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MINUTES 



OF THE 



PROCEEDINGS 



OF MEETING OF 



THE GENERAL SOCIETY 



HELD 



October 12th, 1897, 



AT 



CINCINNATI, OHIO 



■.4- 
■ A 34 



JOHN MURPHY & CO., PRINTKRS, 
BALTIMORE. 



Gift 



I - 



COPY OF RESOLUTION 

OF 

General Society under which these 
proceedings are printed. 



" Mr. Lyon (Illinois) : I move that the minutes of this special 
meeting be printed at length and an official copy be sent to the 
General Secretary of each of the State Societies. 

"Seconded, put to vote and carried." 

Minutes, p. 89. 



GENERAL SOCIETY, 

SONS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



MEETING HELD AT 



CIKCINl^ATI, OHIO. 



Tuesday, October 12th, 1897. 
Present : 

President-General Hon. John Lee Carroll, in the Chair. 
James Mortimer Montgomery, Secretary-General. 
W. Hall Harris, Assistant Secretary-General. 

And the other officers and delegates appearing by roll-call, 
page 6 to 10, 

The President-General : Gentlemen, the Society will come 
to order. This meeting will be opened by prayer, by the Rev. 
Dr. Rhodes. 

Dr. Dudley Ward Rhodes (Minnesota) : Almighty God, 
onr Heavenly Father, we pray that Thy Spirit preside over our 
councils, and that Thou, \Vho blessed the apostles, be present with 
us, who are here assembled. Guide our deliberations, so that we 
may exercise a wise spirit, and save us from all ignorance, error, 
and pride, and by thy favor enlighten our minds and strengthen 
our purpose, deepen our patriotic impulses, and draw us together 
in the cords of Thy love. Inspire us with a sense of Thy holy 
wisdom, and lead us to a wiser estimation of our fellow men. 
May there grow up in all our hearts, and the hearts of the general 
public about us, a deeper respect for our country, for its laws, and 
2 5 



6 

for its polity, for its broad and generous citizenship. Inspire us 
witli a sense of the responsibilities which our fathers have given 
to us. Quicken us in the right. Lead us to do Thy divine 
purpose, and through Thy holy guidance bring us at last into the 
great union of Thine elect where all the world's battles are past, 
and we shall enjoy rest and peace with Thee in Thy everlasting 
kingdom, through Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen. 

The Chair : The Secretary will now read to you the resolu- 
tion under which this adjourned meeting from the Philadelphia 
meeting has been called. 

Mr. Harris read the call, as follows : 

"General Society, Office of General Secretary, No. 146 Broad- 
way, New York, September 19th, 1897. Dear Sir: Pursuant to 
resolutions passed at its meeting held April 19th, 1897 (copies of 
which are attached to this notice), a meeting of the General Society, 
Sons of the Revolution, will be held at the Grand Hotel, in the 
city of Cincinnati, Ohio, at eleven o'clock A. M., on Tuesday, 
October the twelfth, 1897, for the purposes set out in said reso- 
lutions. You are requested to mail the enclosed postal cards, 
stating whether you do or do not propose to be present, on or 
before October 6th proximo. Yours truly, James Mortimer 
Montgomery, General Secretary." 

Mr. Harris : Is it desired, sir, that the resolution shall be read ? 

The Chair : I think unless it is suggested that the resolution 
be read that it might as well be omitted. 

The Chair : Better call the roll now, Mr. Secretary. 

The call of the roll showed the following officers and delegates 
present : 

General Officers. 

Hon. John Lee Carroll, 
General President. 

Garret Dorset Wall Vroom, 
General Vice-President. 



James Moetimer Montgomery, 
General Secretary. 

William Hall Haeeis, 
Assistant General Secretary. 

Richard McCall Cadwalader, 
General Treasurer. 

Henry Cable, 
Assistant General Treasurer. 

Francis Ellingwood Abbot, 
General Registrar. 

Gaillard Hdnt, 
General Historian. 



Alabama. 
Not represented. 

Califor7iia. 
James Mortimer Montgomery. 

Colorado. 

Hon. Ralph Voorhees, Reginald Heber Smith, 

Persifor Marsden Cooke, M. D. John Cromwell Butler. 

Ashbel King Shepard, 

Connecticul. 

Not represented. 

District of Columbia. 

Charles Frederick Tiffany Beale, William B. Gurley, 
Henry Greenway Kemp, Gaillard Hunt. 

Florida. 
Not represented. 



8 

Georgia. 
Hon. William D, Harden. 

Illinois. 

Frank K. Root, George M. Moulton, 

Horace Kent Tenney, Thomas Floyd-Jones. 

George M. Lyon, 

Indiana. 

Jesse Claiborne Tarkington, John Greenville Mott, 

John M. Lilly, John L. Pugh. 

Iowa. 
Henry Cadle. 

Kentucky. 

Lucas Brodhead, John T. Shelby, 

B. F. Southgate, Jos. LeCompt. 

Maryland, 
William B. Wilson, James Wilson Patterson. 

Massachvisetts. 
Francis Ellingwood Abbot, Walter Gilman Page. 

Michigan. 
Henry Perkins, Robert W. Merrill. 

Minnesota. 
Rukard Hurd, Rev. Dudley Ward Rhodes. 

Missouri. 

Henry Cadle, Orlando Powers Bloss, 

Inn is Hopkins. 

Montana. 

W. H. Raymond. 



9 



Richard Fowler Stevens, 
Foster Conarroe Griffith. 

Charlton T. Lewis, 



Achilles Henry Pugh, 
Frank Johnston Jones, 



Charles Henry Jones, 
Edward Stalker Sayres, 



Joshua W. Caldwell, 



New Hampshire. 
Harry B. Cilley. 

New Jersey, 

Thomas J. Yorke, 

New York. 

Edward Carroll, Jr. 

North Carolina. 
Not represented. 

North Dakota. 
Not represented. 

Ohio. 

Ephraim Morgan Wood, 
James V^erner Guthrie. 

Pennsylvania. 

Col. Josiah Granville Leach, 
Capt. Henry Hobart Bellas, U.S.A. 

Rhode Island. 
Not represented. 

South Carolina. 
Not represented. 

Tennessee. 

J. Van Deventer. 

Texas. 
Innis Hopkins. 



10 

Virginia. 
Charles R. Robins, M. D., William Hall Harris. 

Washington. 
Not represented. 

West Virginia. 
Randolph Stalnaker, Sam Hugh Brockunier. 

The Chair : The next business in order is the admission of 
new societies. I believe there are two applications for admission 
into this society. 

Mr. Montgomery : Only one that I know of. 

The Chair : I am informed there is only one. The Chair 
will appoint as a Committee on Credentials 

Mr.F. C. Griffith, of New Jersey; 

Mr. Joshua W. Caldwell, of Tennessee, and 

Mr. Henry G. Kenij), of the District of Columbia. 

Mr. Wood (Ohio) : I rise to a point of order. This being a 
special meeting, called for a special purpose, it is not in order to 
take up another matter. 

Judge Harden (Georgia) : I call the gentleman's attention to 
the fact that at a special meeting, called for a special purpose, a 
state was admitted without an objection. 

Mr. Wood (Ohio) : I think it would be all right if the point of 
order was not raised. 

Judge Harden (Georgia) : It was raised and overruled. 

The Chair : The Chair does not remember as to any special 
adjourned meeting. The Chair only remembers that at every 
meeting at which he was present the first business was the ad- 
mission of new States. The delegates of this society are here, and 
I should think that this being a meeting of the General Society 
there could be no objection. The Chair would so decide it. 



11 

Mr. Wood : I withdraw raj objection, sir, and ask the Chair 
to rule whether it is iu order now to do it. Whether we should 
continue the business we left off at Philadelphia, whether we should 
conclude that, before we do anything else. I think in Philadelphia, 
sir, the point which Judge Harden raises, the admission of the 
State Society, took place before we entered upon any other business. 
The question I ask the Chair to rule upon now is whether — 

The Chair T If the gentlemen withdraws his objection to it, 
there would not be any point in the Chair making his decision. 

Mr. Wood : I waive my objection so far as to taking up any 
business now except the special business. I now ask the Chair to 
rule upon an entirely different point, whether it is the business 
now. Our point is whether, if it be in order, at what time at this 
special session is it in order. I am asking a question as to the 
order of business. 

Mr. Vroom (New Jersey) : If the Chair will pardon me a 
moment. The ruling in Philadelphia was based upon this fact. 
The meeting was a general meeting, called by me in the absence 
of the President-General for no special purpose, but simply for the 
purposes of transacting the general business appointed, and for that 
reason I held that the regular order of business should be carried 
out, and it was perfectly proper. This is not a meeting called for 
a special purpose, but is simply the adjournment of the meeting in 
Philadelphia, and therefore, in my opinion, general business is in 
order. We did not adjourn for this special purpose, but simply 
had an adjournment of the meeting in Philadelphia. 

Mr. Wood : The Chair will pardon me. I did not know that 
point would be raised, and I therefore had not considered it, and 
I supposed that this is not an adjourned meeting of any other 
meeting of the Society. The Society provided that under certain 
conditions a meeting should be called in Cincinnati on October 
12th. We did not adjourn then the meeting to October 12th be- 
cause we did not know that the Conference Committee which had 
been appointed would be ready to report at this time. The reso- 
lution specified that " if the Committee of Conference had agreed 
at that time, the meeting should be called," and therefore I think 
this is an original meetina:. 



12 

The Chair: I would call the attention of the gentleman to the 
next to the last resolution, '* That we, the General Society of the 
Sons of the Revolution, hereby appoint an adjourned meeting of 
this General Assembly to be held in Cincinnati" — at such a date. 

Mr. Wood (Ohio) : I am perfectly aware that that language is 
used, but if the Chair will read on he will see it was not an abso- 
lute adjournment. "An adjourned meeting, provided the Joint 
Committee of Conference approved of union." I take it you can- 
not adjourn a meeting conditioned upon an action, no matter what 
condition. This was a meeting. A meeting should be held. Sup- 
pose the Conference Committee had not agreed; there would be no 
meeting held. I leave the point of order with the Chair. 

The Chair : The Chair will decide that at a general meeting 
of the Society, any special business, particularly the important 
business of the admission of new State societies, would be in order. 
The Committee named by me can now retire. 

The Chair: Have you any correspondence to read? 

Mr. Leach (Pennsylvania) : It lias been our custom when a 
general meeting was called, to approi)riate out of the funds of the 
General Society a sum toward the expenses of the occasion. I 
therefore move that the sum of two hundred and fifty dollars, the 
usual sum, be appropriated at this time and paid to the Treasurer 
of the Ohio Society. 

Mr. Pugh (Ohio) : As the President of the Ohio Society, I 
will say, gentlemen, that we cannot accept a proposition which 
will provide for part of the entertainment of this Society to be 
paid by the National Society. You are here as our guests, gentle- 
men, all of you, and we trust that while you are here you will 
receive such attention that in leaving here the most pleasant recol- 
lections of Cincinnati will dwell with you. It may never have 
occurred to you, that the fact of selecting Cincinnati, in a State 
which was not one of the original thirteen, is the most happy 
selection that could possibly have been made. Only a few blocks 
from here was situated Fort Washington. From it departed 
General Harmer, who had been the honor and pride of the Revo- 



13 

lution. Next in authority was St. Clair, another noble gentleman 
from the State of Pennsylvania. Following him there came that 
good soldier of the Revolution, General Wayne, all three Penn- 
sylvanians. To whom do we of Ohio owe more than to the State 
of Pennsylvania ? The State of Ohio has a record of 185 soldiers of 
the Revolution buried within her soil. The great tidal wave of emi- 
gration which followed the Revolution swept over the Alleghanies 
into the beautiful valley of Ohio, up these valleys of the Miami 
and Scioto, leaving in their trail a number of the brave men who 
fought in the Revolutionary War. Every President that Ohio 
has given to the United States claimed revolutionary descent, from 
McKinley, who is now President, back to William Henry Harri- 
son, whom we claim as an Ohioan. Maryland, Pennsylvania, 
Virginia, North Carolina — in fact every State which was one of 
the original thirteen States, has contributed its best blood to Ohio. 
Do you know why Ohio is so great? We got all of the best blood 
of the Revolution. It came out here ; and that blood it is that 
made the Presidents we have furnished. It made a Grant, a 
Sherman, and a Sheridan ; it made Stanton, at the head of the 
War Department; Chase, at the head of the Treasury during the 
war; a Chief Justice, and Waite. We have so many men here in 
this convention that we are able to fill any honors or offices in the 
United States Government or the Sons of the Rev^olution. Know- 
ing all these facts, gentlemen, which I have put before you, do 
you think we can accept the proffer of my dear friend, Mr. Leach, 
from your Society of the State of Pennsylvania? 

Mr. Leach : I press my motion, and I hope that all will vote 
for it. We do not want to draw any distinction between the 
Societies who are able and those who are unable to go it alone. In 
the future we may meet in some States where it would be a serious 
burden for the local society to cover all the expenses of such 
meeting. 

Mr. Leach's motion seconded, put to vote and carried, Ohio 
votinsf " no." 

Mr. Kemp (District of Columbia) : Mr. President : As the Chair- 
man of this Committee I will report that we have examined the 



14 

credentials of the State of Indiana, and the Committee unanimously 
reports in favor of its admission to membership in this union. 
I move that Indiana be admitted. 

Dr. Rhodes (Minnesota): Have the credentials been examined? 

Mr. Montgomery (New York) : They have. 

Dr. Rhodes (Minnesota): Are the credentials here? 

Mr. Montgomery : No. 

Dr. Rhodes : Is n't it required that the credentials be pre- 
sented to the committee? 

The Chair : Not when they are approved by the Secretary 
General. 

Dr. Rhodes : What evidence have we that they have been ? 
The Chair : None but the word of the Secretary General. 

Dr. Rhodes : There is nothing here to show that they have 
been. 

The Chair : The Secretary General is here himself. 

Dr. Rhodes : Excuse me. I beg your pardon. 

Mr. Wood : I move that the motion of Mr. Kemp lie upon 
the table until after the conclusion of the other business of this 
meeting. 

The Chair : The motion of Mr. Wood, is that motion 
seconded. 

(Voices) : " I second the motion." 

The Chair : Gentlemen, you have heard the motion. 

A Delegate : I ask for a call of the roll upon that. 

The Chair: The (juestion is upon the motion of Mr. Wood 
that the motion of Mr. Kemp for the admission of the delegates 
from the State of Indiana be hiid upon tiie table until after the 
conclusion of the other business. 



15 



The roll call showed the following result 



Carroll, G. P No. 

Vroom, G.y. P No. 

Schreven, 2 G. V. P — 

Montgomery, G. S No. 

Harris, A. G. S No. 

Alabama — 

Colorado Yes. 

District of Columbia... Yes. 

Georgia No. 

Indiana — 

Kentucky Yes. 

Massach usetts No. 

Minnesota Yes. 

Montana Yes. 

New Jersey No. 

North Carolina — 

Ohio. Yes. 

Rhode Island — 

Tennessee No. 

Virginia No. 

Washino[:ton — 



Cadwalader, G. T No. 

Cadle, A. G. T Yes. 

Whipple, G. C — 

Abbot, G. R No. 

Hunt, G. H Yes. 

California No. 

Connecticut — 

Florida — 

Illinois Yes. 

Iowa Yes. 

Maryland , No. 

Michigan Yes. 

Missouri Yes. 

New Hampshire Yes. 

New York No. 

North Dakota — 

Pennsylvania No. 

South Carolina — 

Texas Yes. 

West Virginia Yes. 



Mr. Harris (Assistant Secretary-General) : I have to report, 
sir, fifteen votes in the affirmative and fifteen votes in the negative. 

The Chair : The motion therefore is lost. 

Mr. Wood (Ohio) : Before the decision of that motion I ask 
for information, as I know it is always the custom in every body 
in which I have been that the presiding officer should only vote 
in case of a tie. Does the constitution provide that the President- 
General may vote? 

The Chair : The Chair would state that he has attended every 
meeting of this Society since its organization except that held in 
Philadelphia last year, and in every meeting of this Society the 
General Officers have been called upon to vote. 



16 



The question is decided therefore. On the tie Mr. Wood's 
motion is lost. 

The question now is upon the motion of Mr. Kemp for the 
admission of Indiana. 

The call of the roll resulted as follows: 



Carroll, G.P Yes. 

Vroom, G. V. P Yes. 

Screven, 2 G. V. P — 

Montgomery, G. S Yes. 

Harris, A. G. S Yes. 

Alabama — 

Colorado No. 

District of Columbia No. 

Georgia Yes. 

Indiana No. 

Kentucky No. 

Massachusetts Yes. 

Minnesota No. 

Montana No. 

New Jersey Yes. 

North Carolina — 

Ohio No. 

Rhode Island — 

Tennessee Yes. 

Virginia Yes. 

Washington — 



Cadwalader, G. T Yes. 

Cadle, A. G. T No. 

Whipple, G.C — 

Abbot, G. R Yes. 

Hunt, G. H No. 

California Yes. 

Connecticut — 

Florida — 

Illinois No. 

Iowa No. 

Maryland Yes. 

Michigan No. 

Missouri No. 

New Ham pshire No. 

New York Yes. 

North Dakota — 

Pen nsylvania Yes. 

South Carolina — 

Texas No. 

West Virginia No. 



Mr. Harris (Assistant Secretary-General) : I have to report 
16 votes in the affirmative and 15 in the negative. 

The Chair : The motion is adopted. The delegates from Indi- 
ana will enter the hall. We extend our congratulations to the 
State of Indiana for having its delegates present with us to-day. 

The next business in order is the correspondence and resolutions 
of this Society and the Sons of the American Revolution. 

Mr. Wood (Ohio) : Mr. Chairman, pardon me for speaking so 
often. There is one thing vital to our action to-day, the question 



17 

of the revision of the rolls. I move that the report of the Com- 
mittee of the Revision of Rolls be now made. 

A Delegate : I second that motion. 

The Chair : That motion will be considered adopted unless 
objection is made. The Chairman is here and probably ready with 
his report. 

Mr. Charles Henry Jones (Pennsylvania) : I beg to say, 
Mr. Chairman, that the Committee has no report to make. No 
action has been taken by the Committee. No action was possible 
until some standard of qualification was adopted which the Com- 
mittee could use as a basis of examination. The General Society 
of Sons of the Revolution at Savannah and Philadelphia adopted 
the standard of membership contained in the Constitution of 1893. 
I now understand that the Constitution which will be reported by 
the Joint Committee to-day provides that every man who is now 
a member of the Sons of the Revolution or of the Sons of the 
American Revolution shall be a member of the proposed new 
" Society of the American Revolution " whether he is qualified 
under that Constitution or not. That would leave the Joint Com- 
mittee on Examination of the Rolls of Membership nothing to do. 
It was the essential precedent of this whole movement for union 
of the two Societies, that no man should be a member of the united 
Societies unless his credentials first underwent the scrutiny of this 
Joint Committee, and if his claim did not pass the scrutiny of that 
Committee then he should resign membership. I do not see now 
what motive there can be for changing this policy of the Society. 
It cannot be possible that any member would desire to remain as 
a member of our Society, who could not pass this test. I am, 
therefore, at a loss, sir, to understand what motive the gentlemen 
has in making such a motion when he knows the Committee has 
been unable to do anything. If it be that we are to have a Society 
that does not represent the main hereditary principle which we 
have always before maintained, I think this Society ought to meet 
that question now. Therefore I hope, for this reason, that this 
motion of the gentlemen from Ohio may be voted down. 

The Chair : Will the gentleman state his motion again ? 



18 

Mr. Wood : (Ohio) : The motion is that the Committee on the 
Revision of Membership Rolls, of which Mr. Jones is Chairman, 
be now asked to report. 

I understand the Ciiairnian to say that the Committee has not 
acted because he thought there should be some basis or some con- 
stitution adopted beforehand. I agree witli the gentleman entirely 
in the matter, that we should adopt, if we are going to have a 
committee on revision of rolls, that we should adopt some plan of 
union as it is going to be taken, and then this Committee or some 
other Committee may act in the matter; that has been our posi- 
tion, While I am on my feet I wish to make a statement which 
has been made to me by a member of the Society of tiie Sons of 
the American Revolution, that they immediately appointed their 
Committee as provided in our request, and that that Committee 
has been ready at all times and is ready now to take up the matter 
of the Revision of the Rolls whenever the Joint Committee shall 
meet. 

Mr. R. F. Stevens (New Jersey) : Mr. Chairman, as a member 
of the Committee on Revision of Rolls, I would state that the 
Committee has never been called together, and has no statement 
whatever to make. 

Mr. Vroom (New Jersey) : I desire to correct the statement made 
by the gentleman from Ohio, and to explain to this Society why as 
acting President of the Sons of the Revolution, I do not take immedi- 
ate action in the matter of appointing a Committee on Revision 
of the Rolls. Every member here will recall the fact, that at the 
time of the meeting in Philadelphia, in April last, we passed a 
resolution providing for the appointment by tlie Chairman of a 
Committee on the Revision of the Rolls. That resolution was 
sent to the General Society, the National Society, as it is termed, 
of the Sons of the American Revolution ; that Society did not 
authorize the appointment of the Committee on the Revision of 
the Rolls, but it provided for the appointment of the committee to 
consider the basis of union, and that that committee, if it thought 
necessary, if it saw fit, should appoint a committee on Revision 
of the Rolls. I waited until the joint committee met before taking 
any Action. They did not meet until the 24th of August. I was 



19 

still uncertain as to whether I ought to appoint the Committee or 
not. Because if I appointed a committee the gentlemen repre- 
senting the Sons of the American Revolution might say we do not 
think it is necessary to have a revision of the rolls. They did not 
meet us, and so we have appointed a committee. That is not true, 
as stated by my friend from Ohio. He is laboring under a mistake. 
I did not appoint the Committee on the 24th of August. It was 
not until after the joint committee, that is the Committee appointed 
by the Sons of the American Revolution, on the question of union, 
found it necessary to appoint a committee to confer with us. It 
was a matter of the dignity of this Society, and while I was willing 
to concede that much after letting that whole period elapse without 
appointing a Committee on the revision of the rolls, still I thought 
I ought to make the appointment, and I made the appointment as 
it now stands. I received no official notice of the appointment of 
the Committee by this Committee of the Sons of the American 
Revolution. In fact, we were not informed that any action at all 
has been taken on the subject. That is the history of the matter 
as it stands. 

Mr. Pugh (Ohio) : I will state in response to the remarks of 
the gentleman from New Jersey that so far — 

The Chair : The Chair will simply state that this argument 
and debate is' by permission of the assembly. There is no question 
before the house. 

Mr. Pugh : On the ground that the Chair heard the remarks 
of the gentleman from New Jersey it might be just as well to say 
something that will bear upon this subject. 

The Chair : All right, sir. 

Mr. Pugh (Ohio) : In the first place, it was resolved that our 
general officers are instructed to arrange as soon as it is possible for 
the appointment of a joint committee of revision, as early as Octo- 
ber 12th, 1897, to make a report to the two general assemblies in 
Cincinnati in accordance with the resolutions passed at Savannah 
and Richmond in 1896. 



20 

The gentleman wlio has just preceded me in his remarks states 
tliat on the 24th of August, that Committee, in pursuance to his 
resohition was appointed, but in fact, at tiiat time, as I understand 
him, he had no official knowledge whatever as to the action of the 
Sons of the American Revolution. He then took the responsi- 
bility therefore of appointing the Committee that he was instructed 
to do, as representing these general offic rs on the 24th of August. 
The President and the Chairman of the Committee appointed by 
the Sons of the American Revolution has informed me, and I pre- 
sume for that reason the gentleman from Ohio, Captain Wood, 
made the remarks he did, that he has been ready, and their Com- 
mittee, as is shown by official correspondence, has been ready at 
all times to have the rolls revised. They take that position at 
the present time. They are ready at all times, any time, when- 
ever this Society shall appoint a time to meet to revise its rolls. 
Our Committee which has been appointed, as I have been informed, 
has never called a meeting of the Committee. Now there is no 
gentleman in our body, in this Society, more strenuous than I am 
in that matter of lineal descent, in insisting on a revision of the 
rolls and on everything else that would bring about a benefit to 
this Society. There is not a single society of the Sons of the 
Revolution that in case any member saw his name should be 
expunged from the roll would decline to expunge it, and that 
being the fact, and the plain and manifest intent of .our Society's 
meeting in Philadelphia to have the rolls revised I think it was 
the duty of the general officers to have immediately appointed 
that Committee to notify the Sons of the American Revolution 
that they were ready ; and I think when the general officers of 
that Society (the Sons of the American Revolution) delegated to 
that Committee of Conference the authority to appoint that Com- 
mittee, it had just as much authority as it could give when we 
delegate that authority to our diffigrent officers. Had the Revision 
Committee met and revised the rolls, it would have furnished a 
basis, probably, that would have been in accord with what many 
of the gentlemen here desire. 

The Chair: The Chair would state that there is more im- 
portant business now before the convention, and as there is no 



21 

question now before the liouse on the subject of the revision of 
the rolls, we will proceed with the usual order of business. 

The business is the report of the Conference Committee, 
appointed on the 19th of April last in Philadelphia, on the 
subject of the union of the two societies. 

Me. Pugh (Ohio) : The copy of the report, which has just been 
distributed among the members of this Society (in buff color), is 
the report of the Committee. Is it desired by the Chair that the 
Chairman of the Committee should read the report? 

Judge Harden: As it bears upon subjects of extremely great 
importance to all these patriotic and hereditary societies, it is in 
my hands now for the first time, although it is true I had a 
former report which I am told it is not like. It is in the hands 
of a majority of the gentlemen for the first time. Can we vote 
intelligently upon a paper with the contents of which we are 
necessarily unacquainted and should be read ? 

Mr. Pugh : Is it the desire that the report be read ? 

The report is as follows : 

To Edw^in Shepard Barrett, President General of the National 
Society of the Sons of the American Revolution, 

And John Lee Carroj-l, General President of the General Society 
of the Sons of the Pe volution. 

The Committees of the Sons of the American Revolution and 
the Sons of the Revolution, who were appointed by their respective 
Societies to confer together upon the subject of union of the two 
Societies, beg leave to report jointly for the consideration of each 
Society the result of their labors. 

First : They were profoundly impressed by evidences of a uni- 
versal sentiment favoring union reaching them from members of 
both National Societies, as well as with the cordiality and harmony 
inspiring the members of the Committees, who approached the diffi- 
cult and delicate task assigned them with great deliberation and 
with a deep sense of responsibility. 



22 

Second: The two Committees met, on the call of their respective 
Chairmen, in a joint conference on basis of Union, and after a care- 
ful consideration of the Constitution and Plan of Union of 1893, 
and proposed changes thereto, unanimously decided upon and do 
now recommend the adoption of the following Basis of Union : — 

Basis of Union. 

1. The members of the two National Societies shall unite in 
forming the National Society of the American Revolution by the 
adoption of the Constitution hereinafter following and the election 
of officers as provided therein, at a meeting to be held jointly in 
the City of Cincinnati, Ohio, October 12, 1897. 

2. The General Board of Managers shall designate the Colors, 
Seal and Insignia and direct a rule or rules for wearing Insignia 
and use of colors. 

3. The Insignia of either or both existing Societies may be 
worn on ceremonial occasions with the Insignia of the United 
Society or alone. 

4. The State Societies of both existing Societies shall report the 
adoption of a constitution in accordance with the new National 
Constitution, to the Secretary General promptly on that action 
being taken, or united State organization eifected. 

f). The Treasurer General of each existing National Society 
shall turn over to the new Treasurer General when he shall be 
duly qualified, all balances in their respective treasuries, taking his 
vouchers therefor. 

6. The Registrars General of the two existing societies shall 
turn over all records and documents in their respective offices to 
the New Registrar General when he shall have been duly qualified, 
taking his voucher therefor. 

7. The Constitution recommended herein shall become operative 
by virtue of its ratification by the delegates of a majority of the 
States of each National Society voting at the joint meeting of the 
two National Societies contemplated. 



23 



CONSTITUTION 



NATIONAL SOCIETY OF THE AMERICAN 
REVOLUTION. 

Preamble. 

We, the lineal descendants of Revolutionary Sires, inspired by 
the heroic deeds of a liberty-loving ancestry, in order to form a 
more perfect union of patriotic men, to foster true patriotism 
and love of country ; to cherish and maintain the institutions of 
American freedom, do ordain this Constitution. 

Article I. 

The name of the Society shall be "The Society of the American 
Revolution." 

Article II. 

The objects of this Society are, to perpetuate the memory of 
the men who, in the military, naval or civil service of the Colonies 
and of the Continental Congress, by their acts or counsel, achieved 
the Independence, of this country ; to further proper celebrations 
of the anniversaries of the birthday of Washington, and of promi- 
nent events connected with the War of the Revolution ; to collect, 
publish and secure for preservation the rolls, records and other 
documents relating to that period ; to mark by appropriate monu- 
ments historic places; to impress upon the present and future 
generations the patriotic spirit which actuated our ancestors in 
establishing the Republic of the United States, and to promote 
the feeling of friendship among its members. 

Article III. 

Section 1. Any male person above the age of twenty-one years, 
of good character, and a lineal descendant of an ancestor who shall 
be proven by official record or other equivalent evidence to have 



24 

served as a military, naval or marine officer; soldier, sailor, or 
marine, in actual service, under the authority of any of the thirteen 
Colonies or States, of the Continental Congress, or Vermont, or a 
lineal descendant of one who signed the Declaration of Independ- 
ence, or of one who, as a member of the Continental Congress, or 
of the Congress of any of the Colonies or States, or as an official 
appointed by or under the authority of any such legislative bodies, 
actually assisted in the establishment of American Independence 
by overt acts of resistance to the authority of Great Britain during 
the War of the American Revolution, prior to the declaration of 
peace in 1783, shall be eligible to membership in the Society. 

Provided, That when the claim of eligibility is based on the 
service of an ancestor in the "minute men " or " militia," it must 
be satisfactorily shown that such ancestor was actually called into 
the service of one of the thirteen original States, or Vermont, or 
United States, and performed military duties ; and 

Provided further. That when the claim of eligibility is based on 
the service of an ancestor as a "sailor" or "marine," it must in 
like manner be shown that such service was other than shore duty 
and regularly performed in the Continental Navy or the Xavy of 
one of the original thirteen States, or Vermont, or on an armed 
vessel, other than a merchant ship, which sailed under letters of 
marque and reprisal, and that such ancestor of the a})plicant was 
duly enrolled in the ship's company, either as an officer, seaman, 
or otherwise than as a passenger ; and 

Provided further, That when the claim of eligibility is based on 
the service of an ancestor as an " official," such service must have 
been performed in the civil service of" the United States, or of one 
of the thirteen original States, or Vermont, and must have been 
sufficiently important in character to have rendered the official 
liable to arrest and imprisonment, the same as a combatant, if 
captured by the enemy. 

In the construction of this article, the Volunteer Aides-de-Camp 
of General Officers in the Continental Service, who were duly 
announced as such and who actually served in the field during a 
campaign, shall be comprehended as having performed qualifying 
service. 

No service of an ancestor shall be deemed as qualifying service 



25 

for membership in " The Society of American Revolution," where 
such ancestor, after assisting in the cause of American Independ- 
ence, shall have subsequently either adhered to the enemy or failed 
to maintain an honorable record throughout the War of the Revo- 
lution. 

No person shall be admitted unless he be eligible under one of 
the provisions of this article, nor unless he be of good moral char- 
acter and be judged worthy of becoming a member. 

Section 2. That every member of the Society of the Sons of 
the Revolution and of the Society of the Sons of the American 
Revolution in good standing at the time of the adoption of this 
constitution, who has been admitted to either of these societies 
under their respective constitutions and the by-laws of their 
respective National Societies, shall be enrolled as a member of this 
Society. 

Section 3. Applications for membership shall be made to any 
State Society, in duplicate, upon blank forms prescribed by the 
General Board of Managers, and .shall in each case set forth the 
name, occupation and residence of the applicant, his line of descent, 
and the name, residence and services of his ancestor or ancestors 
in the Revolution, from which he derives eligibility. The appli- 
cant shall make oath or affirmation that the statements of his 
application are true to the best of his knowledge and belief. Upon 
the approval of an application by the State Society, to which it is 
made, one copy shall be transmitted to the Registrar General of 
the National Society, who shall examine the same and upon 
approval notify the Secretary of the State Society. If satisfied 
that the application is not properly made out, he shall return it for 
correction. No election of a new uiember shall be valid unless his 
eligibility shall be approved by the Registrar General, 

Article IV. 

National and State Societies. 

Section 1. The National Society shall embrace all the members 
of the State Societies now existing or which may hereafter be 
established under this Constitution. 



26 

Section 2. Whenever in any State or Territory, in which a State 
Society does not exist, or in which a State Society has become inac- 
tive or failed for two years to pay its annnal dues to the National 
Society, fifteen or more persons duly qualified for membership in 
this Society may associate themselves as a State Society of the 
American Revolution, and organize in accordance with this Con- 
stitution ; they may be admitted by the General Board of Mana- 
gers of the National Society as "The Society of the 

American Revolution," and shall thereafter have exclusive local 
jurisdiction in the State or Territory, or in the District in Avhich 
they are organized, subject to the provisions of this Constitution ; 
but this provision shall not be construed so as to exclude the 
admission of members living in other States, 

Section 3. Each State Society shall judge of the qualifications 
of its members and of those proposed for membership, subject to 
the provisions of this Constitution,' and shall regulate all matters 
pertaining to its own affairs. It shall have authority to establish 
local chapters within its own jurisdiction and to endow the chapters 
with such power as it may deem proper, not inconsistent with this 
Constitution. It shall have authority, after due notice and im- 
partial trial, to expel any member, who, by conduct unbecoming a 
gentlemen, shall render himself" unworthy to remain a member of 
the Society. 

Section 4. Each State Society shall submit to the Annual Con- 
gress of the National Society a report, setting forth by name, the 
additions, transfers and deaths, and any other changes in the mem- 
bership and progress of the State Society during the preceding 
year, and make such suggestions, as it shall deem proper, for the 
promotion of the objects of the whole Society. 

Section 5. Whenever a member, in good standing in his Society, 
changes his residence from the jurisdiction of the State Society of 
which he is a member, to that of another, he shall be entitled, if 
he so elects, to a certificate of honorable demission from his own 
State Society, in order that he may be transferred to the State 
Society to whose jurisdiction he has changed his residence; pro- 
vided, that his membership shall contiime in the former until he 
shall have been elected a member of the latter. Each State Society 



27 

shall, however, retain full control of the admission of members by 
transfer. 

Section 6. Whereever the word " State " occurs in this Consti- 
tution, it shall be held to include within its meaning the District 
of Columbia and the Territories of the United States. 

Section 7. A Society may be formed in any foreign country by 
fifteen or more persons who are eligible to membership under this 
Constitution, which shall bear the same relation to the National 
Society as a State Society, subject to the provisions of this Con- 
stitution. 

Article V. 

Officers and Managers. 

Section 1 . The General Officers of the National Society shall 
be, President-General, Five Yice-Presidents-General, Secretary- 
General, Assistant Secretary-General, Treasurer-General, Assistant 
Treasurer-General, Registrar-General, Assistant Registrar-General, 
Historian-General, Chancellor-General, and Chaplain-General, 
who shall be elected by ballot by a vote of the majority of the 
members present at the annual meeting of the Congress of the 
National Society and shall hold office for one year and until their 
successors shall be elected. 

Section 2. The General Officers shall constitute the General 
Board of Managers of the National Society, which Board shall 
have authority to adopt and promulgate the By-Laws of the 
National Society, to prescribe the duties of the General Officers, 
to provide the seal, to designate and make regulations for the 
issue of the insignia, and to transact the general business of the 
National Society during the intervals between the sessions of the 
Congress. Meetings of the General Board may be held, after not 
less than ten days' notice, at the call of the President-General, or, 
in case of his absence or inability, at the call of the Senior Vice- 
President-General, certified by the Secretary-General. Meetings 
shall be called at the request of seven members. At all such 
meetings seven shall constitute a quorum. 

Section 3. An Executive Committee of seven, of whom the 
President-General shall be the Chairman, may be elected by the 



28 

Board of Managers, which coimnittcc shall, in the interim between 
the meetings of the Board, transact snch bnsiness as shall be 
delegated to it by the Board of Managers. 

Article VI. 

Dues. 

Each State Society shall pay annually to the Treasurer-General, 
to defi'ay the expenses of the National Society, twenty-five cents 
for each active member thereof. All such dues shall be paid on or 
before the first day of April in each year for the ensuing year, 
in order to secure representation in the meetings of the National 
Society. 

Article VII. 

Meetings and Elections. 

Section 1. The annual meeting of the National Society for the 
election of the General Officers and for transaction of business, 
shall be held on the 19th day of April of each year, unless the same 
falls on Sunday, when it shall be lield on the 20th. The time, 
hour, and place of such meeting shall be designated by the Board 
of Managers. 

Section 2. Special meetings of the Congress may be called by 
the President-General, and shall be called by him when directed 
so to do by the Board of Managers, or whenever requested in writ- 
ing so to do by at least three State Societies, on giving thirty days^ 
notice, specifying the time and place of such meetings and the busi- 
ness to be transacted. 

Section 3. The following shall be members of all such annual 
or special meetings of the Congress and shall be entitled to vote 
therein : 

(1). All the officers and ex-Presidents-General of the National 
Society. 

(2). The President and Secretary of each State Society as dele- 
gates at large. 

(3), One delegate from each State Society for each one hundretl 
members of the Society within a State, and for a fraction of fifty 
members or over. 



29 

Article VIII. 
Amendments. 

This Constitution may be altered or amended at any meeting 
of the National Society, when the same shall have been recom- 
mended by a State Society. A notice of the proposed amendment 
or alteration shall be sent by the Secretary-General to the Presi- 
dent of each Societ}- sixty days in advance of such meeting. An 
aflfirmative vote of two-thirds of the States present shall be neces- 
sary for their adoption. 

Aeticle IX. 

This Constitution shall take effect when ratified by a majority 
of the States of each National Society voting in Joint Meeting. 

We would respectfully recommend that in the event of the 
adoption of our rej)ort by the two National bodies to whom it is 
submitted, that they immediately meet together in joint session 
for the purpose of completing the organization herein provided for. 

For the Sons of the Revolu- For the Sons ofthe American 

tion : Revolution : 

Achili.es Henry Pugh, James M. Richardson, 

Chairman, Chairman, 

Timothy L. Woodruff, George H. Shields, 

PIorace Kent Tenney. Nathan Warren, 

Gaillard Hunt. Ebenezer J. Hill, 

Samuel Eberly Gross. 
Francis E. Abbott, 

dissentirig. 
A. H, Pugh, 

Chairman. 

(Mr. Pugh's reading of the Conference Committee's report was 
suspended for the following business and then resumed.) 

Mr. Wood (Ohio) : Will the gentlemen allow me to interrupt 
him a moment ? Outside there is a Committee from the Sons of 



30 

the American Revolution, headed by General Breckenridge, with 
a resolution from the Sous of the American Revolution which they 
ask to convey to the Chair. 

The Chair : The Chair would say it is a proper courtesy to 
show that Society that we suspend this reading until we hear what 
they have to say. The Secretary will, of course, convey any 
message that there may be from the President. 

Mr. Montgomery, Secretary-General, retires, and returns with 
the Committee of the Sons of the American Revolution, whom he 
introduces to the Chair and the meeting. 

General Breckenridge (Sons of the American Revolution) : 
Mr. President and gentlemen, we are here from the Sons of the 
American Revolution to present the following resolutions in writ- 
ing, which we will either hand you, or read, as may be your 
pleasure. The resolution is : " We, The Sons of the American 
Revolution, in Congress Assembled, prior to the formal reception 
and action upon the Report of the Joint Committee having the 
matter of union in charge, do 

" Resolve, That fraternal greetings are hereby extended to our 
brethren of the Sons of the Revolution, with expressions of the 
kindliest congratulations that in the faithful attempt to unite all 
descendants of Revolutionary ancestors in a common cause and a 
single organization, we are again under the same roof, and have 
every hope that a more perfect union will be effected, with all 
honor to these Societies, and every prospect of greater usefulness 
to our beloved country. Attested : Edwin Shepard Barrett, Presi- 
dent-General, Franklin Murphy, Secretary-General." (Applause.) 

(The Committee from the Society of Sons of the American Revo- 
lution retires.) 

The Chair : Now, Mr. Chairman, will you proceed with your 
reading? 

Dr. Rhodes (Minnesota) : Mr. President, I would like to 
move that a Committee be appointed by the Chair, representing 
the Sons of the Revolution, to convey to the Sons of the American 



31 

Revolution our cordial apprnciation of their message, and our 
kindly reciprocation of their sentiments. 

Seconded, put to vote and carried. 

The Chair : I will name a Committee of three, composed of 
Dr. Dudley Ward E,hodes, of Minnesota, 
Mr. Ephraim Morgan Wood, of Ohio, and 
Mr. Gaillard Hunt, of the District of Columbia. 

Mr. Wood (Ohio) : It ought to be in the shape of a resolution 
passed by this Society, and let the Committee convey it. 

Governor Bushnell, of Ohio, here entered the room. 

The Chair : Will the Society kindly suspend business for a 
few minutes while the Chair has a few words of courtesy with the 
Governor of the State? 

The Chair and Governor Bushnell converse. 

Governor Bushnell retires. 

The Chair : Gentlemen, the Society will be in order. 

Dr. Abbot (Massachusetts) : Mr. President, as a member of 
the Conference Committee, I beg leave to submit a minority 
report. Shall I be allowed to read it? 

The Chair : Certainly ; it is the courtesy of the Convention 
to allow a minority report. 

Dr. Rhodes (Minnesota) : I offer the following resolution : 

" To the Society of the Sons of the American Revolution : 
Gentlemen : The Society of the Sons of the Revolution, in con- 
vention assembled, conveys to your Society the cordial apprecia- 
tion of the kindly and courteous resolution just presented, and 
heartily reciprocates the same." 

Seconded, put to vote. 

The Chair : The motion is unanimously adopted, and the 
gentlemen of the Committee will kindly present it to the Sons of 
the American Revolution. 

Dr. Abbot reads the minority report. 



32 
MINORITY REPORT 

FROM THE 

Joint Committee of Conference on Basis of Union, by 

Francis Ellingwood Abbot, Member of the 

Committee and General Registrar 

OF THE Sons of the 

Revolution. 



Note. — This Minority Ropoi't is l)ased on the draft of the pro- 
posed new Constitution adopted by the majority of the Committee 
at their meetins: of August 24, 1897, and afterwards printed. It 
is, of course, subject to whatever changes may yet be made at their 
final meetint; of October 11. 



I should add that there was a meeting of the Joint Committee 
held last evening, and some amendments were made to the Confer- 
ence Committee's report, but there was no one made that seemed 
to me to cover fully the ground ; therefore, I shall beg leave to 
read my report just as it is printed, and the members can make 
what comments they please after comparing it with the report 
which has just been read. 

To the General Society of Sons of the Revolution, Convened at 
Cincinnati, October 12, 1897; 

Gentlemen, — As a member of the committee of five, appointed 
by you at Philadelphia last April to meet a like committee of five 
in behalf of the National Society of Sons of the American Revo- 
lution, in order " to consider the constitution and plan of union of 
1893, and all proposed changes thereto, and come to an agreement, 
if possible, respecting a new general constitution and a plan of 
union between the Societies," it has become my painful but impera- 
tive duty, in discharge of the honorable and highly responsible 
trust thus imposed upon me, to submit to you now a minority 
report. 



33 

The conviction is rapidly and irresistibly deepening, not only 
thronghout our own society, but in the public mind as well, that 
there ought to be only a single organization of Sons of the Revo- 
lution. If two existing societies can only be wisely united in a 
single national body, no limit can easily be set to its growth, its 
glory, or its influence for good. Its membership, grounded on 
lineal descent during a century and a quarter from nearly four 
hundred thousand patriot soldiers of the Revolution, may yet 
mount up into the millions. Imagination can scarcely exaggerate 
the potency and promise of such a vast patriotic fellowshij), knit 
together by fidelity to the heroic memories of the past, and fired by 
devotion to the free principles out of which lias sprung a free 
empire, destined, as we all hope and believe, to cast into the shade 
all despotic empires of the present or the future. Back of the 
great parties in Church and State which divide the people into 
semi-hostile camps, over and above all political, sectional, or 
sectarian antagonisms, such a fellowship built on pure love of our 
common country would go far to convert into a shining fact the 
grand ideal of our national motto, E Pluribus Unum. It would 
do much to conquer that worst enemy of the republic against 
which our immortal Washington so eloquently and solemnly warned 
us in his Farewell Address — that insidious and corrupting pm'^^/" 
spirit which still threatens to destroy us by decay from within. 
M< re effectively than any other society, it would help to join the 
East and the West, the North and the South, in the bonds of 
brotherhood and self-consecration to the highest welfare of the 
country. Not for slight or petty obstacles, then, should our effort 
to fulfil our destiny and our duty as a single vast society be 
suffered to cease. 

But success in this effort is subject to certain inexorable condi- 
tions from which we cannot escape. No union of our now divided 
forces, however desirable in itself, ought to be desired by us unless 
the terms of that union are in strictest accordance with the funda- 
mental principle of our own society ; namely, that each and every 
individual member shall be a lineal descendant of a Revolutionary 
ancestor, and shall prove his Revolutionary services, not by private 
family tradition, but by public official record. By that principle 
must we stand or fall. Whatever else we may concede for the sake 



34 

of harmony and unictn, we cannot abandon or weaken that principle 
without suicide as a society. If that principle is not made the very 
cornerstone of the new organization, the organization itself will be 
a fraud upon the public and a shame to ourselves. For it must 
stand before the world as guaranteeing the Revolutionary descent of 
every one of its own members. If it deliberately admits a single man 
whose right of membership is not honestly proved by the record, 
it will justify doubt and suspicion respecting the right of every 
other member. No one of us here present can consent to the 
abandonment or weakening of the principle of documentary proof 
of Revolutionary descent, Afi ihe. rigorous condition of membership 
in the new society, without distroying the value of his own mem- 
bership and incurring the suspicion of having connived in a fraud. 
The doubt which hangs over one will hang over all. Such a price 
of union as that is more than we can afford to pay. 

So profoundly do I feel my own responsibility as one of those 
to whom you have delegated the task of framing honorable terms 
of union, that I camiot flinch from pointing out to you frankly 
that some of the terms contained in the constitution reported to 
you by the majority of the committee violate tlie fundamental 
principle of our society, and are not such as we ought to sanction. 

Objections to the Constitution Reported by 
THE Majority. 

I. In order to understand the gravity of the first violation of 
our fundamental principle, it is necessary to state that no meeting 
of the committee as such was held until August 24, more than 
four months after you appointed it on April 19 ; and that meeting 
I could not attend because I failed to receive the notice of it till 
after the day had gone by. The first draft of a provisional con- 
stitution I received on July 2. In this draft, the first section of 
Article III read as follows : 

"Section 1. Any male person above the age of twenty-one 
years, of good character, and a lineal descendant of one who shall 
be shown by official record to have served, etc., shall be eligible to 
membership in the Society." 



35 

The words "shown by official record" had apparently been 
adopted from pencilled suggestions of my own on an earlier proof 
of that separate Article, and I supposed they would be allowed to 
stand. But in the second draft of the provisional constitution as 
a whole, which was sent to me on August 17, this same section 
read as follows : 

'• Section 1 . Any male person above the age of twenty-one years, 
of good character, and a lineal descendant of an ancestor who shall 
be proven to have served, etc., shall be eligible to membership in 
the Society." 

This change of the explicit words "shown by official record" 
into the vague single word " proven " is a distinct and undeniable 
lowering of the standard of proof. Such a change could not 
have been accidental or unintentional. But it violates our funda- 
mental principle. " Proven " how ? " Proven " by official record ? 
Or " proven " by mere tradition ? The word is open to either 
interpretation. It opens a question which for us has been a closed 
question from the beginning. We cannot afford to leave that an 
open question in the constitution of the new society, unless for the 
sake of union we are prepared to surrender our fundamental prin- 
ciple, and abandon the proud position we have thus far held. 
That price of union is too high. 

Let me add that in the official copy this amendment has partly 
been made ; they have restored it so that it shall read : " proven 
by official record, or other equivalent proof," but they strike out 
the word, " documentary." I thought the word " documentary " 
was essential to keep clear and plain that we meant documents, 
original documents, and not mere tradition of any sort. It is a 
very great improvement over the simple word " proven," but it does 
not go the full length of our contention. 

II. In order to understand the second violation of our funda- 
mental principle, it is necessary to quote this brief but very 
significant avowal in a letter addressed to me by the Chairman on 
September 3d : — 

" That committee (of revision) may come to the same conclusion 
that we did, namely, that to form a union we must accept the 
membership as it exists to-day." 



36 

What right had a mere committee of yours, appointed by yoii 
for a limited aud strictly defined purpose, to come to any conclu- 
sion whatever on another matter which you did not intrust to 
them at all? Above all, to set aside your own deliberate and 
twice declared conclusion that the existing membership cannot l)e 
acce|)tcd without revision? Your Savannah invitation was issued 
under the strict proviso that the existing membership in l)oth 
societies shall be revised, and all mistakes corrected, that no 
member shall be admitted into the consolidated society who is not, 
after careful re-examination of his claims, found eligible under 
the rules established in the constitution of 1893. This proviso 
was accepted and approved in the most explicit terms by the 
National Society of Sons of the American Revolution, which 
unanimously aud solemnly " pledged " itself at Richmond to 
erase the names of all persons found ineligible under those same 
rules of 1893. Lastly, in creating two independent committees 
last April at Philadelphia, one for conference on basis of union 
and one for revision of the rolls, you reaffirmed your own conclu- 
sion that you will not accept without revision the membership as 
it exists to-day. In face of these unanimous declarations by both 
general societies, which are decisive and final on this point of 
revision, and which form a solemn compact that revision of the 
rolls shall precede union of the societies, it strikes me as a betrayal 
of trust, in which I cannot join, for a mere committee of yours, 
not only to come itself to a contrary conclusion, but actually to 
embody it in the constitution they now report to you ! For this 
is what they have done in Section 2 of Article HI, as follows : — 

"Section 2, Provided further, That every member of the Society 
of Sons of the Revolution and of the Society of Sons of the 
American Revolution in good standing at the time of the adoi)tion 
of this Constitution, who has been admitted to either of those 
Societies under their resjiective Constitutions and the By-laws of 
their respective National Societies, shall be enrolled as a member 
of this Society. Provided, That nothing in this section shall be 
so construed as to admit a descendant of any one who may have 
been admitted under this clause, whose claims are either derived 
from collateral descent or from services which are not within the 
other provisions as to eligibility in this Constitution." 



37 

The first part of this section enrolls in the proposed society, 
without question, every member of both the existing societies, and 
thereby abolishes at a blow all reason for revising the rolls. Such 
a recommendation from our committee usurps the function of the 
committee on revision, transcends and violates your own instruc- 
tions, destroys the fundamental principle of our society, and tramples 
upon the unanimous agreement of both societies. Surely, such a 
recommendation ought not to be adopted. The second part of the 
section confesses, by unavoidable implication, that some of the mem- 
bers thus enrolled (for all we know, a majority of them) have no 
valid right of membership whatever; and it therefore provides that 
their descendants shall not be admitted at all. What a confession 
to make in the constitution of a society that respects itself, or desires 
to be respected ! Would it not deservedly make the society an object 
of universal ridicule and contempt? By throwing a cloud of sus- 
picion and doubt over the claim of every single member, wonld it 
not annihilate the social value of every membership? The only 
thing that can be wisely done with such a section as this is to strike 
it out altogether; for it is an attempt to overthrow and repeal that 
agreement on revision of the rolls as the prior condition of unio7i of 
the societies, which has been irrevocably established by the unani- 
mous vote of each general society. There can be no going back of 
that vote on either side without dishonor and disgrace ; and I can- 
not, as a member of the committee, join in recommending to you 
any step so disastrous, so contrary to every principle of good faith, 
so certain to point against us the finger of scorn. I, for one, am 
unwilling to admit that these two great societies were engaged last 
year in a mere game of bluff. 

III. On different but equally grave grounds, I find myself 
unable to assent to two of the clauses in the second section of 
Article V. It is there declared that the General Officers of the 
new society shall have authority " to provide the seal " and " to 
designate * * * the insignia." No arrangement, in my opinion, 
could be more ill-judged than to postpone those questions till after 
the union has been effected. It throws an apple of discord into 
the midst of the new society. Two parties will at once start up on 
the lines of the old societies, each struggling to secure the adoption 
4 



38 

of its own original seal and insignia. It takes very little insight 
into hnman nature to foresee in this contention, if not the seed of 
a new schism, at least the certainty of angry but useless quarrels. 
Let us build more wisely. Let us remember that we ought to 
build for all time, and to lay now the foundations of a great 
patriotic society w^hich shall live as long as the Great Republic. 
Those clauses of Article V. ought to be stricken out altogether. 
The questions of the seal and the insignia ought to be decided now, 
prior to consolidation, so as to avoid the unnecessary revival of 
old heartburnings and jealousies which we hope to heal forever. 
Let us not throw a blazing torch into the house we are building. 

IV. Further, I find myself compelled to protest against Article 
IX, as it stands now in the majority report, because it is both 
impracticable and unjust. It reads as follows : — 

"Article IX. This constitution shall take effect when ratified 
by a majority of the States of each National Society voting in 
Joint Convention." 

In the first place, it would be practically impossible to take a 
separate vote of each national society, whether by States or by 
delegates, when the two societies sit indiscriminately in one joint 
convention. 

In the next place, even if such a vote could be taken, it would 
be unfair. Only such State Societies as approve union would be 
represented in the joint convention, and a majority of these State 
Societies might be a minority in their own National Society. If, 
as I hope, union is to come at last, it ought to be an honorable and 
universally satisfactory union, which can be effected only by a clear 
majority of the States in each National Society. No wrong should 
be done to the State Societies which at present oppose union ; yet 
this Article practically disfranchises them. Union on such terms 
would be an iniquity and a failure. The friends of union ought 
to rely on kindness and justice alone, and for that reason Article 
IX. ought not to be adopted as it stands. 

V. Although there are many minor points open to criticism 
in the constitution reported by the majority, chiefly because this 
constitution was based on the constitution of the Sons of the 
American Revolution, and not, as required by your resolutions 
appointing the committee, on the constitution of 1893, the only 



39 

other provision to which I must absolutely decline to assent is 
Article I, which declares the name of the new society. On this 
point I will now touch in a different connection. 

Plan of Union. 

In obedience to your instructions requiring the committee not 
only to report " a new general constitution and a plan of union," 
but also to submit to you their " recommendations respecting 
them," I beg leave now to submit my own. 

The chief points on which the two Societies, before they unite, 
should come to a clear and definite agreement, are these : 

1. Revision of the Rolls. On this point I would recommend 
that each of the two General Societies appoint immediately one 
historical expert from its own membership ; that the two experts 
thus appointed select a third who is not a member of either Society; 
that these three ei^perts, as the joint Committee of Revision, 
make a report iu strict accordance with the Savannah and Rich- 
mond Resolutions, and submit it to the two General Societies at 
their respective annual meetings in April, 1898 ; that they be 
adequately paid for the time and labor, and necessary expenses 
involved ; and that formal adoption of their report by each Gen- 
eral Society be a prior condition of the actual union of the two 
Societies. 

2. Name of the neio Society. This is a point of supreme interest 
and importance to us all, for upon wisdom in this respect 
must largely depend the harmony, prosperity and prestige 
of the new Society itself. There is but one way to secure these 
objects: avoidance of all unnecessary change and self-evident 
justice, impartiality and equality in whatever change may 
prove necessary. Both of the present names contain, as a 
common element, the word " Sons" and the word " Revolution"; 
both of these words can be and ought to be scrupulously 
preserved. Above all, the word "Sons" deserves to be guarded 
as our peculiar glory. It is picturesque, poetic, unique; it stirs 
the blood and fires the imagination ; it revives memories of the 
Revolutionary "Sons of Liberty," and quickens our gratitude for 
the sacrifices of our patriotic " forefathers." Nothing but captious 



40 

tastelessness can cavil at it. To tlirow away tins grand old Anglo- 
Saxon word "Sons" for the tame and commonplace Latin de- 
rivative "Society" would, in the eyes of all who know how to 
appreciate the great masters of good English, convict us of having 
rude and uucultm-ed minds. "Sons" utters in one sturdy syllable 
all that is uttered in the seven syllables, " lineal male descendants;" 
it utters, as " Society " does not, our essential principal of heredity ; 
it renders impossible what the word " Society " directly provokes — 
agitation in the near future for the admission of female members 
and for inclusion of the "Daughters" as well as the " Sons" in a 
single organization ; in short, it is the absolutely best word to tell 
the world exactly what we are. Whatever else is changed, that 
word "Sons" should be jealously guarded from all change. The 
only point worth debating is whether the last part of the name 
shall be "of the Revolution," or "of the American Revolution," 
or something else instead of either. Here, in my own opinion, a 
just, conservative, and satisfactory compromisels possible. The only 
strong reason for inserting the word "American" is the fact that 
there have been many " Revolutions," and that we ought, therefore, 
to say what " Revolution " we have in mind. This is a fair demand. 
But the reasoning proves too much. Not only have there been 
many " Revolutions," but many "American Revolutions," likewise 
— in Mexico, in Central America, in South America. If we are 
to encourage branch societies in foreign lands, as proposed in 
Section 7 of Article IV, and hence in other American countries 
than our own, we cannot afford to })ut forth the arrogant claim 
that our country is all America, or our " Revolution " " the Amer- 
ican Revolution." That would insult and justly offend the 
citizens of our sister American republics. Let us be modest — 
let us be true. In loose common talk, it may do well enough to 
speak of ours as " </ie American Revolution," but it will not do 
in our deliberately chosen name. We ought to be more generous 
and more just. The unanswerable objection to defining " the 
Revolution " as " the American Revolution " is the simple fact 
that this does not correctly define it. Let us concede to our sister 
society that they are right in asking us to define what " Revolu- 
tion " we mean ; let them concede to us that we are right in asking 
them to define it correctly. Here are equal, just and honorable 



41 

ooncessions to make. All just claims will be met if we define the 
'' Revolution " by its date, and adopt as the full name of the new 
Society, " Sons of the Revolution of 177<)." The date defines cor- 
rectly and completely, for there was only one " Revolution of 
1776," and that one is exactly what our friends mean, but do 
not define, by " f/ie American Revolution." If, however, the 
name "Sons of the Revolution of 1776" should be objected to 
as too long, or as appearing to favor our own society at the 
expense of the Sons of the American Revolution, it could be 
shortened, according to the happy suggestion of Rear Admiral 
Roe, into the still simpler name " Sons of '76." This name 
has, at least, the merit of recalling the "Spirit of '76," and 
would touch a chord to which every patriotic heart responds. 
For one, I would cheerfully consent to adopt this name, to the 
sacrifice of my own preference, rather than have the members of 
our sister society believe that we wish to take more than justly 
belongs to us in naming the new society. Nevertheless, remember- 
ing that, in the end, the name which is best in itself will best stand 
the test of time, and will best please our own posterity, I trust that 
all fair minds will recognize the superior fulness and dignity of tiie 
longer name, and not insist on marring it by unnecessary abbrevia- 
tion. I recommend, therefore, that in a spirit of conciliation and 
honorable compromise we consent to accept this name for the new 
society: "Sons of the Revolution of 1776." This will preserve 
for us that old and felicitous name (a little lengthened, but not at all 
mangled) which occurred to the founders of our society by a happy 
inspiration of genius ; yet it will courteously add that fuller defini- 
tion at which the founders of our sister society very properly aimed. 
Could a fairer solution of this difficulty about the name be desired? 
So far as it goes, the name we now have is the absolutely best name 
possible, and it will not be hurt by adding the date. The name now 
offered to us, " The Society of the War for American Independ- 
ence," is unspeakably bad. At least, in the choice between " Sons " 
and " Society," let us not throw away a nugget of i)ure gold in 
order to pick up a cobblestone in its stead. 

3. Colors of the New Society. With regard to this point, on 
which the constitution submitted by the majority is wholly silent, 
it would be an honorable compromise to combine the colors of both 



42 

societies ; and I therefore recommend that the new society adopt as 
its own tlie three colors of buff, blue, and white. Buff and blue 
were the colors of the Continental officers, wliite and blue those of 
the Continental privates. It would be no loss to either society, 
but a manifest gain, if the new society to be formed out of both 
should combine their three colors, and thus represent not only the 
whole army of heroes whose sons we are proud to be, but also the 
white royal flag of France, the gallant ally without whose aid 
even that army of heroes would hardly have won the desperate 
battle of Independence. 

4. Seal, insignia, and diploma of the new society. With respect 
to the seal, the diploma or certificate of membership, and the 
insignia (including under this term the badge, the button, and the 
ribbons, although it is often used ungrammatically of the badge 
alone), I would recommend that these matters be referred to a 
special joint committee of the two societies, constituted just like the 
above-mentioned committee of revision, who shall be instructed 
to consult professional experts on the subject and submit to both 
general societies entirely new designs, which, if approved by both, 
shall be ordained thereby for the new society. But I would also 
recommend that continued use of the present badges, buttons, 
and diplomas of both societies be authorized and legalized for all 
who now possess them, and that only the new ones, after union is 
actually accomplished, be issued either to old or to new members. 
In this way, a perfectly honorable compromise on this subject may 
be arranged, yet without imposing any unnecessary expense on the 
present members of either society. 

5. Constitution of the new society. On this all-important point, 
I would recommend that, in order to make the best of existing 
circumstances, and persevere in the effort to secure an honorable 
union, the constitution reported by the majority be now ratified by 
you, provided, and only provided, you deem it wise to amend it in 
five essential respects. 

Five Amendments Submitted. 

I would recommend that the constitution reported by the major- 
ity of the committee be amended as follows: 



43 

First, by striking out the uaoae proposed in Article I and sub- 
stituting the words "Sons of the Revolution of 1776" in this 
Article and wherever the name occurs in this constitution ; also, 
by adding to A.rticle I the words, " and its colors shall be buff, 
blue, and white," 

Secondly, by striking out the word " proven " in the third line 
of Section 1 of Article III, and substituting the words " shown 
by public official record or equivalent documentary proof." 

Thirdly, by striking out altogether, without substitute, the whole 
of Section 2, of Article III, as a violation of the fundamental 
agreement to revise the rolls, arrived at by unanimous vote of both 
societies at Savannah and Richmond in 1896. 

Fourthly, by striking out, without substitute, the two clauses in 
Section 2, of Article V, comprised in the words " to provide the 
seal, to designate and make regulations for the issue of the insignia." 

Fifthly, by striking out in Article IX the words " voting in 
Joint Convention," and by changing the whole Article so that it 
may read thus : " This Constitution shall take effect when ratified 
by a majority of the States of each National Society voting in a 
separate convention, and when finally adopted, but without amend- 
ment at that time, by a joint convention held under a concurrent 
call of the two separate conventions." 

If it be in accordance with parliamentary law, I hereby move 
the adoption of these five amendments as a whole, and make this 
motion a part of this minority report. But if not, I beg some 
other member to make that motion, to the end that you need not 
waste your valuable time on side issues or trivial and unessential 
points. 

Lastly, in order to make our own position clear as the sun to all 
the world, I would recommend that we now adopt resolutions 
substantially to the following effect : — 

"Resolved, That we, the General Society of Sons of the Revolu- 
tion, stand prepared to unite with the National Society of Sons of 
the American Revolution in calling a joint convention of the two 
societies, for the final adoption of the new general constitution as 
first amended and then ratified at this meeting, and for the election 
of new general officers under it, whenever strict revision of all the 
rolls of both societies has been actually effected, in accordance with 



44 

the inutnal agreement to revise them which was unanimously made 
by both societies at their respective lueetings in Savannah and 
Richmond, in April, 1896. 

^'Besolved, that no further steps towards union of" the two socie- 
ties ought to be or will be taken by this society, until this j)rior 
revision of the rolls of botii societies has been actually made by a 
comi)Ctent and disinterested joint committee, and formally approved 
l)y each society voting in a separate convention ; for the self-evident 
reason that, if we j)rofess in the new Preamble to be without ex- 
ception ' lineal descendants of Revolutionary Sires.' we are col- 
lectively and individually bound in good faith to each other and 
to the world to rest that proud claim u|)on conclusive documentary 
proof in the case of every single membei*." 

That these two resolutions should be adopted, Mr. Chairman, 
to siiow where we stand and why we remain two societies. 

One word of j)ers()nal explanation may be allowed me in clos- 
ing. It is with the deej)est regret that I have been forced to 
withhold my assent from the rej)ort of this committee, but res])ect 
for your authority and clear instructions jiermits no other course. 
You did not empower this committee to lower your ow^n standard 
of proof, or to reverse your own decision that the rolls must be 
revised before you can consent to union ; and I cann(,)t join in the 
usurpation of such powers. If we adopt this constitution as it 
stands printed, you and I are called u])on to guarantee the truth 
of claims which, for aught we know, may be false — to sanction 
the membership of men of whom we do not know, and cannot 
know, that they have in their veins one drop of Revolutionary 
blood. Moreover, in the case of each and every member, the 
standard of proof is so lowered that it puts on one and the same 
level proof by official record and proof by mere oral tradition. 
Who of us is not opposed to union under a constitution which 
claims in its preamble that "We" are "the lineal descendants 
of Revolutionary Sires," yet confesses in its third article that 
some of us have so little right to make this proud claim that 
their descendants shall be excluded from membership? Who of 
us is hardy enough to maintain that such a society as that would 
not be what I have called it — a fraud upon the pul)lic and a shame 
to ourselves? The sincerity of my desire for the union of these 



45 

two great societies will be called into question by no one who re- 
members that I was the original author of the Savannah invitation. 
Those resolutions I first submitted to you at the preliminary even- 
ing meeting of your general officers and one delegate from each State 
Society in Boston, April 18, 1895, before your general assembly in 
Faneuil Hall on the following day ; and they failed of adoption at 
that time because they were presented by an individual delegate, 
not by a State Society. But, the next year, I was instructed to 
present those same resolutions to your general assembly at Savan- 
nah, April 20, 1896, in the name of the Massachusetts Society; and 
they were then and there adopted with enthusiasm in a unanimous 
vote by States. No one who recalls these facts will question ray 
desire for union of the two Societies on terms honorable to both, 
or doubt that my objections to this constitution grow out of that 
very desire. If I oppose union on the terms proposed by the 
majority of this committee, it is because such a union appears to 
me incompatible with the honor of either society. There may be 
some here who want union on no terms ; there may be others who 
want union on any terms. But there may be others still who want 
union on honorable terms alone, and 1 trust that these, for whom 
I have tried to act, may prove to be the large majority. 

Francis Ellingwood Abbot, 

Member of the Committee of 

Conference on, Basis of Union. 

Mr. Lewis (New York) : I beg to ask the attention of the 
Society to the fact that we are going astray from our moorings, 
and it becomes us to consider where we are. 

Why do we sit here ? By what right do we occupy seats in 
this Convention, and what authority have we for any action that 
we may take? As I understand it, we are here by virtue of a 
certain document known as the Constitution of the Society of the 
Sons of the Revolution. Any action which we may take in this 
meeting must be founded upon that document and in pursuance of 
its terms ; and if we deviate from that in any respect we forfeit 
our right to have our action accepted by anybody, and it has no 
authority or significance. This is a fundamental principle which I 
think no one would dispute. 



46 

Now, we are indebted to the gentlemen of the Committee whom 
we appointed to fornuilatc a plan of union, for their iionest and 
earnest endeavors to accomplish this work, and for the tiioughtful 
and eloquent terms in which they have presented the result, and I 
shall be second to no one in my cordial acknowledgment of the 
patriotic spirit which has actuated their labors, and of the earnest 
work which they have done in the service of this Society. The 
work which they report to us stands out as a monument of earnest 
labor, and of the spirit of devotion to the great objects for which 
our Society is formed, as well as of courtesy and fraternal regard 
for our friends above who are engaged in the same work with us, 
and to a large extent committed to the same principles, but they 
have made us, permit me to say, a report which we in this Conven- 
tion are utterly powerless to adopt. We are not here as the 
makers or amenders or superseders of a constitution ; with that 
work we are not charged ; with that authority we are not endowed. 
The Constitution of the Sons of the Revolution is a compact 
between certain State Societies. It contains no provision that by 
a simple vote of this Convention, or of any Convention, its terms 
can in any respect be modified or changed. I can conceive of 
nothing more startling, more overwhelming, more revolutionary, 
more utterly unconstitutional in a deliberative body than an 
attemj)t by ns, I will not say to overthrow, to supersede, to annul the 
Constitution under which we are sitting here, but even to amend 
it in the slightest degree. We cannot do it without appealing to 
those authorities from whom we derive our rights to sit here, and 
any action we take here must have its justification. This report 
provides the Constitution of the Sons of the Revolution shall be 
disregarded, superseded, passed by, and its place taken by a new 
Constitution, a draft of which is submitted to us. These gentle- 
men who have so patriotically and carefully labored in our service 
at our request are entitled to the most ami)le and respectful con- 
sideration. That consideration must be given to them, but it must 
be given by those who have power to consider it and act upon it. 
I, therefore, respectfully move the following resolution as the only 
solution of the difficulty we find ourselves in today, and the only 
proper and respectful action which we are enabled to take towards 
this report : 



47 

Whereas, the report submitted by the special committee to devise 
a plan of union of this Society with the Sons of the American 
Revolution proposes to supersede the Constitution of this Society, 
and 

Whereas, this Convention has no authority to take final action 
on such a proposition, therefore 

Resolved, that the report of the said committee, together with 
the report of the minority of said committee on the same subject, 
are hereby referred for action to the Societies of the Sons of the 
Revolution in the several States of the Union. 

Mr. Charles Henry Jones (Pennsylvania) : I rise to second 
the resolution of Mr. Lewis, of New York. 

i\.s he has well stated, the Sons of the Revolution began its 
existence by the formation of State Societies. They grew from 
New York to Pennsylvania in that order, and then into Societies 
in other States. When they had become comparatively numerous 
the question of forming some sort of general society arose, and 
these State Societies adopted what is now known as the Constitu- 
tion of the Society of the Sons of the Revolution. Before that 
Constitution became operative it was adopted by every Society 
which it was intended should be bound by it. They acted in their 
individual capacity, each one of them constituting a distinct cor- 
porate entity, and in that Constitution they wrote certain things, 
and they expressly omitted from that Constitution any power of 
amendment. They intended that before anything should be added 
to or taken from that Constitution it should come back and be 
sanctioned by them. They knew what their rights were. They 
knew the spirit which had actuated them in forming this Society, 
and they did not intend to delegate to anybody else the right to 
judge for them when those purposes or those objects should be 
changed. Now, when the question of amendment arose in this 
Society, and it has arisen but once, we all understood this propo- 
sition that I am trying to make clear to you. It was a question of 
adding additional officers as members of the General Society, and 
it was unanimously admitted in the General Society that that could 
not be done unless that proposed addition to the Constitution was 
sent back to each Society ; and that it could not become operative 



48 

unless each Society should adopt it. That was done. This \va< 
an interpretation of the Constitution and of" the powers of the 
General Society, and it forms a precedent by which we are now 
bound. 

Now, Mr. President, take for instance tlie Society in the State 
of Pemisylvania, that is a body incorj)orated under the corporation 
laws of Pennsylvauia. It has a constitution, it has l)y-law8, adopted 
in pursuance of those laws. Can you change that? We, sitting 
here as the delegates of that Society, are not authorized to ciiange 
it. We simply come here in pursuance of the provisions of that 
Constitution to act in pursuance of and witliin the limitations of 
that Constitution. We have not power to unite with you in chang- 
ing it. And one of the most fundamental things there, in our way 
of looking at it, was its clause of eligibility. Are you, sitting here, 
going to change, for a corporation existing under the laws of Penn- 
sylvania, one of its fundamental constitutional rights like that 
without its consent ? It adopted colors; it adopted insignia, and 
it adoi)ted a seal and a name. You cannot change them ; any 
lawyer or any layman will tell you that. Look at the corporations 
you have in the State of Ohio, incorporated under your general 
corporation law, can anybody but the members of that corporation, 
or its stockholders, change its fundamental law, or its by-laws? 
Certainly not. 

Mr. Wood : May I ask Mr. Jones one question. Is the 
National Society of the Sons of the Revolution incorporated? 

Mr. Jones : No, sir, it is simply a sort of fraternal gathering 
under limited terms. I may say, for analogy, as Mr. Lewis has 
used that term, it was a federation, and it was brought into being 
by certain granted rights, just like the Constitution of the United 
States, and all rights not granted were certainly reserved. 

Now, Mr. President, this question of union, as Mr. Lewis has 
said, has always had its difficulties. There has never seemed to 
be any good reason why there should be two societies iiaving the 
same ol)ject and constituted in the same way, and we have always 
been considering a plan by which these two societies might be 
united, but unless we do it in the right way, unless we amend our 
constitution, in a regular and lawful way, we get nothing. You 



49 

cannot disturb the corporate existence, or the corporate constitu- 
tion, or the corporate principles of all these distinctive State 
societies running down the Atlantic coast, by any action you 
may take here, without the consent of each of these societies 
given at a regular meeting of the members of those societies. 
These Western Societies, or this meeting of the General Society, 
cannot change their constitution for them. It is simply impossible 
for you, gentlemen, to attempt here to adopt this constitution as a 
finality, and expect it to be binding upon the Society in the State 
of Pennsylvania. I only have to say to you that it will not be 
binding upon us unless we adopt it. I cannot speak in that 
respect for the Pennsylvania Society. I do not know what it may 
do. It is composed of over a thousand members, and until they 
meet and act upon this matter as they see fit, no man is authorized 
to act for them. Its Board of Managers, of which I am one, 
cannot act for them. This proposed constitution will have to go 
back to the Pennsylvania Society and be considered by it, as the 
present constitution was considered. We had another constitution 
before the present one. I remember distinctly the meeting of the 
Society at which this, our present constitution, was proposed. I 
remember how it was discussed, how it was adopted ; and by 
virtue of that act, and the similar action in all the other States, 
we formed this General Society, which has always been a source 
of so much pleasure and gratification to all of us. It is better to 
wait than to go wrong; and you gentlemen who are advocating 
this (pardon me for saying) revolutionary measure to-day will 
gain nothing by it. No changes in our present constitution that 
are not ratified by the members of the Pennsylvania Society in a 
regular meeting of that Society will be binding upon it. 

Mr. Lyon (Illinois) : Now it seems to me that one of the 
fundamental principles of our organization, whether it is exj)ressed 
in resolutions well drawn up by attorneys or otherwise, is unity ; 
and that being so, anything that intervenes against that is to be 
condemned by this association if we are honest in our purpose. 
What is the object of our society ? Why are we here ? Is it 
simply to relate, "I had an ancestor in the Revolution," and so 
and so had ancestors very respectable people, residing in Maryland 



50 

or on 'the eastern shore, on the Susquehanna or the Schuylkill? 
No ; it is for a greater, broader principle. Now, the fundamental 
principle we stand for, as I understand it, is the bringing together 
of all the people who can prove a lineal descent from the people 
who fought in that war, who are entitled to membership here. 
That is something greater and broader than any technical question, 
how the Pennsylvania Society was organized, and what powers the 
Pennsylvania Society may have given its delegates. I have great 
respect for Pennsylvania myself, but the organization at Harris- 
burg can never defeat the aims of this Society. I believe that this 
new constitution which the Committee have brought here covers 
that great principle; and we are here for uniting with them on 
that principle, regardless of anything else. 

Mr. Wood : This is a very vital question ; it goes to the heart 
of the whole movement. I, with all respect, differ from the opinion 
of the gentlemen from New York and Pennsylvania; and yet I 
feel that the action which we may take upon this resolution settles 
the whole question now and forever. I therefore desire for myself, 
and I have no doubt others desire, a little time to think about it. 
It is now twenty minutes after one o'clock, we all of us have been 
working faithfully and would like a little lunch ; I therefore move 
that the meeting take a recess until three o'clock this afternoon. 

Motion seconded. 

Mr. Voorhees: (Colorado): This is the first time we have 
heard so much about the union and so little about the stars and 
stripes. I ask now that I might present before this body a set of 
resolutions offered by the State of Colorado, that they may be con- 
sidered before we adjourn, and I know that the question is a 
mooted one. 

Mr. Wood : The gentleman is not in order. I make a motion 
to adjourn. The gentleman's remarks are not in order ; but in 
order that he may be in order I withdraw my motion to take a 
recess, with the understanding that it shall be renewed after the 
consideration of his resolution. 



51 

Mr. Vooehees (Colorado) : I know we are trespassing, but on 
the question of patriotism this Society will never yield the floor to 
any one. I ask the Secretary to read these resolutions, and that 
they may be offered for consideration later on. 

Mr. Stevens (New Jersey) : I rise to a point of order. There 
is a motion now before this body, a motion offered by Mr. Lewis 
of New York. 

The Chair : The question before the house is the motion of 
Mr. Lewis seconded by Mr. Jones. It can only be superseded by 
an amendment to the resolution offered. Do I understand the 
gentleman to say this is an amendment to this resolution ? 

Mr. Voorhees : It is not, sir. 

The Chair : A motion to adjourn is always in order, 

Mr. Wood : I renew my motion to adjourn until three o'clock 
this afternoon. I understand the Chair to have ruled this out of 
order. 

The Chair : It is not out of order, no, it is not out of order. 
The motion of the gentleman from Colorado is out of order. The 
motion is made to adjourn this body for recess until three o'clock. 

Motion to adjourn seconded, submitted to vote and carried. 

Mr. Wood : I now ask those in favor of union and who met 
this morning to remain. 

An adjournment was here taken to three o'clock, P. M. 



3 P. M. 

Met, pursuant to adjournment. 

Mr. Ptjgh (Ohio) : I would like to have the floor a moment 
before we meet here. The Ohio Society to-night tender you gentle- 
men, as well as the other gentlemen, a dinner here. It has been 
impossible to furnish you with your cards from the fact that until 
half-past twelve we were unable to obtain a list of the delegates. 



62 

At six o'clock Mr. Beale will be on the reception floor and issue 
the cards at that time. If our Convention is through by four 
o'clock we will have cars to take you on a trolley ride. I have 
delayed that until our meeting would be finished, as I do not think 
anybody would stop here iu the midst of this very entertaining 
discussion now before the house. There will be tickets issued to 
all the ilelegatcs, which tiiey will receive on the reception floor this 
evening. The dinner is to be at 7.30 this evening. 

The Chaik: The Society will come to order. 

Judge Harden (Georgia) : Mr. President, I desire to second, 
in addition to the seconds already received, tlie motion made by 
Mr. Lewis of New York, for the reasons mentioned by him, and 
for an additional reason which I will now mention here. 

You will nndcrstaud, gentlemen, that we are all of us seriously 
in earnest iu tlie position which we take, and we believe from our 
hearts that you are as earnest and as honest as we are, therefore we 
have nothing in the world to say in the way of criticism, and T 
will not even attempt to discuss the desirability of the plan which 
is proposed. You have heard from Mr. Lewis and from the other 
gentlemen who seconded his motion, as I do now, the most ex- 
cellent and powerful and cogent reasons why the matter cannot be 
acted upon by the General Society, why it can be acted upon only 
by the State Societies in their separate existences, and therefore 
should be at once referred to them, if anything is to be done in the 
direction which most of the gentlemen seem to desire. 

The other additional reason, which was not mentioned and to 
which I desire to call your attention, is that, apart from the fact 
that no corporation has the right to do any act which is not specific- 
ally permitted or by necessary inference permitted in its charter, 
so no creature of those corporations can do more than its creator, 
the corporation itself; which answers the question asked by my 
friend. Captain Wood, as to whether or not the General Society 
was incorporated. It was not, but it is the creature of the State 
Societies, and is limited to the powers which they could give, and 
they could not give it powers they did not themselves possess. 
That additional reason is not only one of law but of common sense. 
Any layman can understand it. It is not within the power of any 



53 

corporation to undertake to do an act which it knows is of itself 
illegal or impossible ; and that is what our friends by their 
report are undertaking to do. Their report begins : " We are 
a committee appointed to determine what is the best basis of 
union — or to determine upon the basis of union of the two 
societies." Necessarily and naturally, the plan which they propose 
must be the best plan they could find in their opinion. In their 
opinion, they seem to have found, what I told them long ago that 
they would find, that it is impossible for two societies in actual 
existence to combine as one society except as a third society. Con- 
sequently, they say that we propose a third society, to be composed 
of the members of these two societies ; and the members of these 
two societies shall have the right to wear their insignia, their 
badges, their rosettes and that of the new society together or sepa- 
rately, as they please. Their continuing to wear them, showing 
it is their expectation that the new society shall be made up of the 
old societies, and that the old societies shall continue to exist until 
they expire by the way provided by law or by nature, like all 
things. Now, that is what it is. They say, in addition, it shall 
be composed of members of the two societies, and we hereby 
declare that all the members who are eligible and desirable — T am 
not quoting verbatim — of the two societies are members of this 
society, the Committee neglects to add, if they so desire. I speak 
but for Georgia; I may say, as I am uninstructed, I speak but for 
myself, but for the confidence which Georgia has in me — can I, as 
a member of the Georgia Society, be taken up and transferred 
bodily into another society, willy-nilly, witiiout being asked "yes" 
or " no ? " How am I to be delivered to the new society ? How 
are the rest of the Georgians to be delivered to the new society ? 
Does not it amount simply to a question, can we be transferred 
like cattle, can we be driven into the shambles and sold to the 
highest or the lowest bidder, and then delivered ? 

There is a story of a man who sold a tiger in the jungle ; he got 
his pay but he never delivered the goods. I do not mean to say 
that our opposition to this will be of so ferocious a nature as to be 
properly likened to a tiger, but I do mean to say that we have no 
right in trying to form this new society to abrogate all the rights 
which our ancestors succeeded in establishing — the right of freedom, 
5 



54 

llie right of self-choice, the right to do as you please so long as you 
do not interfere with anybody else's rights. Can I be put in a new 
society ? Can the Georgia Society be put in a new society ? There- 
fore, you have undertaken to do what you cannot do, what is 
impossible — not simply impracticable, but impossible, to declare 
that we, the delegates from a majority of the States, representing 
the Sons of the Revolution and representing the Sons of the 
American Revolution shall declare that this constitution is accepted 
and that it binds us all? Don't you see that it can't be done? 
Don't you see that it is ultra vires f Don't you see that if it were 
done no good could possibly come of it? — you cannot deliver your 
goods. Therefore, the resolution of my friend Mr. Lewis is that 
we do now what we could have done at the beginning, if this thing 
is not to remain a farce — because I call it a farce when we have 
met in Savannah and talked and voted, and when we met in 
Philadelphia and talked and voted, and when we meet in Cincin- 
nati and talk and vote, without any so far practical results, and as 
I said, you cannot carry this through, there can be no practical 
results — to begin now where we should have begun, refer the 
matter to the States. The States are sovereign and independent in 
themselves. Supj)osing the States, six, eight, ten or fifteen, refuse 
to come in, you cannot call upon the naval or military or judicial 
power of the United States to go and enforce your wishes. It is 
absolutely fulmen brutum, and nothing more, sound and nothing 
else, thunder without the lightning ; therefore, I second the motion 
of Mr. Lewis. 

The Chair : Gentlemen, the question is uj)on the resolution 
submitted by Mr. Lewis, of New York. Mr. Wood has the floor. 

Mr. Wood : Mr. Chairman, I suppose my friend from Georgia, 
Judge Harden, and I would not agree upon the rights of State 
Societies any more than we would agree upon the rights of States. 
His argument would come with greater force did not I know he 
was opposed to union under any ciniuuistances whatever. 

Judge Harden (Georgia) : I rise to a question of privilege. 
As we entered this portion of the building I was asked : "Are you 
in favor of union, in favor of union under any circumstances?" 



55 

I answered: "I am not now. I was." If I am to be quoted, 
let me be quoted correctly. 

Mr. Wood : I beg to correct my statement then, and to say : 
*'Did I not know Judge Harden was opposed to union now upon 
any terms." 

I differ from my friends, Mr. Jones and Mr. Lewis. I do not 
believe it is necessary to refer the matter to the States, because the 
States are represented here in convention. No State Convention 
has sent a delegate here without knowing what the question was 
which was to come before this body for decision. No delegation 
is here without knowing the temper of its State on this question, 
and I think we are just as well qualified to vote now as after a 
reference to the State Societies. I wish to state it as my convic- 
tion, that the passage of this resolution defeats now and forever 
the union of the two societies, that a vote in favor of this resolu- 
tion is a vote that we will continue our distinct and rival positions, 
striving for the increase of our membership, and keeping out 
members who will not join because of the rivalry of the Socie- 
ties — which have no basis of rivalry except increase of member- 
ship ; their objects are the same ; their principles are the same ; 
the qualifications for membership are the same, and there is no 
reason under God's Heavens, with that ambition for the increase 
of our membership and the cultivation of patriotism in our 
Country, without which ambition the existence of the Societies is 
not justified, why we should not come together and become a great 
and powerful force, extending from ocean to ocean, and from the 
Gulf to the Lakes, making our country stronger and letting our 
young people grow up to be proud citizens of the United States, 
and of the heritage which has been bequeathed to them by their 
Revolutionary sires. I say, a vote in the affirmative for this 
resolution, though it may not, in the judgment of the mover of it, 
will defeat forever the union of the two societies. I sincerely 
hope the resolution will not be adopted. (Applause.) 

Dr. Rhodes (Minnesota) : Mr. President and Gentlemen, I 
think we have had presented to us two distinct reasons why this 
resolution that has been offered by the gentleman from New York 
should not prevail ; one of them is based upon a constitutional 



56 

difficulty, and the other is based upon wliat I may call a senti- 
mental objection — not using the word offensively — to the union 
of these two Societies. 

As I understood the argument of the gentlemen from New York, 
Mr. Lewis, which we are discussing, it was that we are attempting 
something we have no power at all to perform ; that we have no 
power here to set aside or amend the Constitution of the Sons of 
the Revolution. Now, if that be true, there is no necessity of our 
further discussing this question at all. If the Constitution of the 
Sons of the Revolution under which we act, under which we are 
constituted, is such that we cannot make any change in it, or make 
any sort of alteration in it at all, either here or anywhere else, as 
the gentleman seems to suggest, then of course such a radical action 
as we propose, and of course any less radical action, cannot be 
taken ; but I submit that the very argument of the gentleman him- 
self was such as would show him if he would look at it that cer- 
tainly he has not quoted correctly the position we occupied tow^ard 
the Constitution of the General Society of the Sons of the Revo- 
lution, This Constitution, which is our organic law, which was 
adopted by the Societies of the different States, was adopted by 
them without any section for its revision whatever ; that is, they 
did not add to it any article which imposed bounds, restrictions or 
safe-guards upon what were originally the conditions under which 
it enacted them. The same powers that created the Constitution 
reserved to themselves the power to change it or abrogate it, 
whenever they saw fit. At the end of every constitutional 
agreement or instrument there is the general provision that that 
constitution can by a vote of two-thirds of the order or the sub- 
mission of it to the chapters of the different organizations be 
changed. There is none such in our constitution whatever. The 
same powder that created the constitution may abrogate it at any 
moment whatever. In the constitution of the Society of New York, 
for instance, they added at the close of the constitution a provision 
that there shall be no alteration or amendment of the constitution 
of this society unless notice is duly given in writing, signed by the 
member presenting the same, at a meeting of the society, nor until 
thirty days after said notice, by a vote of three-fourths of the 
members present. In the Constitution of the United States they 



57 

stipulated the authority and method by which it must be changed. 
There is no appendage or article in this constitution of this society 
on the subject of amendments. There was an attempt made to add 
one. "The following amendment was proposed in 1893, and will 
be voted on at the next regular meeting." This appears from the 
New York Society's book : " This constitution may be amended 
at any meeting of the Society by a vote of three-fourths of the 
members present, provided notice of such proposed amendment 
shall be given at a previous meeting or communicated to each State 
Society thirty days before action is had thereon." 

It is proposed by Mr. Woodruif, of New York, and seconded 
by Mr. Hall, of Maryland, but it has never been acted upon and 
never passed into the constitution, and we are left with the same 
power which created the constitution. It is competent for us, the 
duly accredited representatives of the different State societies, to 
entirely cancel and abrogate the Constitution by our vote to-day 
and substitute in its place some other, because there is no limit or 
restriction to so doing. 

More than that, the gentleman preceding went on to say, the 
gentleman from Pennsylvania, that if we proceed to this action 
to-day, do you suppose it to be binding upon the Pennsylvania 
society ? And the gentleman from Georgia asks, could we under- 
take to transfer their society bodily into another society? I say 
to him we can ; I say it is so nominated in the bond, that we can 
do so, and that constitution gives us the right. In the constitution 
by which we are restricted, we are given the right to change our 
own name, and we have provided that the State societies shall be 
bound by the action of the General Council of the Sons of the 
Revolution. State societies shall regulate all matters respecting 
their own affairs, consistent with the general good of the societies. 
Judge of the qualification of their members or those proposed for 
membership, subject, however, to the provisions of this constitu- 
tion. There is reserved the sovereign power, enabling us to dic- 
tate to the States exactly who shall be their members and who 
shall not be their members. We have, by the exercise of that 
power by this body here to-day, the right to say to the State Society 
of Pennsylvania or Georgia, that in our wisdom we see fit to 
change this constitution and incorporate with the members of the 



58 

Society of the American Revolution. They are bound by our 
action. It is not a question of States rights or any other rights. 
It is simply a question of whether we are bound by the instrument 
which binds us organically together as Sons of the Revolution. 
So much for the proposition that we have no constitutional right. 
Whether these societies will be bound by our actions is the old 
question whether the right of secession obtains. The constitution 
binds them as it has bound us. 

Now, as to the sentimental, using that word again, that I may 
be explicit, not ofifensively, turning to the luinority report, where 
the opposition is not so much a constitutional one but one of senti- 
ment, as to insignia, names and minor details, I cannot believe my 
brethren Sons of the Revolution, that we have come up here in 
the year 1897 to be swerved aside from our high and great piu'pose 
of presenting one front by undertaking to set aside this proposed 
union of two great societies constituting nearly 25,000 sons of sires 
of the Revolutionary War on such a frivolous pretence as is pre- 
sented in the minority report. I do not use the word frivolous in 
an offensive sense at all. I yield implicit adherence to a large part 
of the sentiment given in Mr. Abbot's report, but are we simply 
to allow our deliberations to come to naught, by the discussing of 
our insignia and the name by which we shall be known, when this 
grand society of the Sons of the American Revolution can meet 
this morning, representing three times as many members as we 
have, a society antedating our own — 

Voices : That is a mistake. 

Mr. Rhodes : Let me withdraw that then. That Society, the 
Sons of the American Revolution, representing a large constitu- 
ency and having as much a title to represent the lineal sons of the 
sires of the Revolution as we have ourselves, can unanimously 
stand up and vote, and have voted with one voice, to sacrifice all 
we are asked to sacrifice, and give up, they can give up their 
name and insignia, if they can do that without one voice of pro- 
test, unanimously standing, gentlemen, is there not enough of the 
old spirit which bound together the federal sires of the Revolution 
in Georgia, Maryland and Virginia, in us to cause us to sink all 
our differences and enable us to stand up with them ? In God's 



59 

name we will not allow frivolous pretexts to stand between us and 
the consummation of that which is in all our hearts. 

I yield to no man in my fidelity to the Sons of the Revolution. 
I am not a member of the Sons of the American Revolution. I 
am not a Son of the Colonial War. I trace my ancestry to one 
whom I revere, the general in chief of the armies of the colonies 
at the time when General Washington came from Virginia to 
supersede him in the command of all the troops, and in the spirit 
in which that general acted I should count myself base to my alle- 
giance to the Sons of Revolutionary sires to ask of the Sons of the 
American Revolution anything more than we are willing to con- 
cede ourselves. And there is nothing I am not willing to concede. 
If we can go out from under this roof as one single army inspired 
with one single purpose and in the decadent civilization to show 
one body where is embodied the virtues of our forefathers, and that 
we may transmit the spirit of the men from Maine to Georgia who 
stood together, without any of the disintegrating jealousies which 
attacked even the mighty Washington himself. 

Are we worthy of our ancestors, do we share their spirit, do we 
inherit any of their real spirit, if we go out to the American 
people and say the Sons of the American Revolution one by one 
stood up to-day and were counted for a great united society, and 
that the Sons of the Revolution meeting failed to agree and that 
they are issuing from it, broken, discordant and vindictive in 
their spirit. 

Now, gentlemen, on the ground of constitutional law, we have 
a right to adopt this constitution ; on the ground of expediency it 
is our moral duty; on the ground of higher emotions, as patriotic 
men, we should sink all feelings of mere personal vindictiveness 
of those matters, and, standing shoulder to shoulder, say : "We 
have not much to give, but what we have to give we give gladly, 
that we may stand together with you in this great cause." 
(Applause.) 

Now, if I could only think I had made any converts by what 
I have said I should think my speech was more than I thought I 
could make. 

It is understood, the Sous of the American Revolution in their 
adoption of this proposed union, do not intend that it shall be 



60 

binding immediately. They propose that it must go to the State 
Societies, and there it shall be ratified by a majority of their State 
Societies. I understand that is what we shall do here, that we do 
not undertake to force — I doubt if there is a majority — I s])eak 
frankly, I am no politician — I doubt whether there is a majority 
upon this floor to carry this proposed Constitution ; and whether 
it should by vote be forced upon a State Society contrary to its 
desire. I should think we should adopt it as the Sons of the 
American Revolution did and send it back to the States. All 
these things that have been made so much of in the minority 
report, descent, insignia and name, as to that they will satisfy us 
all. The spirit of sacrifice will beget the spirit of obliging each 
other in such a matter as this, and let us submit the matter to 
these State Societies and we shall then have the power to come 
together, and it is with that understanding that I shall vote to-day. 

I shall cast my vote that we adopt the report of this committee 
just as it is word for word without a change, because change makes 
delay. I would then have it certified to the different States, and 
have them notified to take their action upon it, and have that 
action transmitted to us when we for the Sons, and the Sons of the 
American Revolution may consummate the union, and if the 
majority of the States do not ratify it then I think it sliould then 
tail. 

I think it is the fair, courteous and proper way. Let us adopt 
the report to-day, let us adopt it unanimously to-day as showing 
our spirit, and then submit it to our State Societies, and each one 
of them shall aru;ue it upon its own floor. I hope and pray that 
for the interest of this society of which I am a member I shall 
not iiave to go to inquiring friends and say that wliile the Sons of 
the American Revolution were guided by a spirit of unity and 
hope, we wrangled and separated, disagreeing on little questions, 
making nothing whatever for the mighty argument for which we 
have all come together. (Applause). 

Judge Harden : Will you allow me to ask the gentleman what 
is his construction of the Ninth Article of the Constitution? 

Mr. Pugh : Mr. Chairman, there is waiting outside a committee 



61 

from the Sons of the American Revolution. What is the pleasure 
of the house? 

Mr. Rukard Hurd (Minnesota): T move the Committee be 
received. 

Motion seconded, put to vote and carried. 

The committee appears. 

Mr. Whitehead (Sons of the American Revokition): Mr. 
President, and members of the Sous of the Revolution, I appear 
before you on behalf of the Sons of the American Revolution, 
with my fellows here, a Committee appointed for the purpose 
of announcing to you a certain fact which I hope will meet with 
your concurrence and will also meet with your approbation. 

In the month of April last, at your annual congress assembled 
in Philadelphia, you presented an overture to the Sons of the 
American Revolution looking with a very friendly spirit toward 
the consummation of the union which has long been a desirable 
matter with us, and I hope a desirable matter with you. You 
appointed a Committee to formulate a plan of union in connection 
with a like Committee to be appointed by the Sons of the American 
Revolution. Permeated by the same spirit, which we have no 
doubt actuated you, Mr. Chairman, we appointed a like Committee. 
These two Committees have met during the last summer and they 
have formulated the plan of union presented by the report, and 
that formulation and that constitution was the unanimous report 
of the two joint committees. 

Following your kind and friendly overture, acting properly, 
acting also promptly upon the report of the two committees, we, 
the Sons of the American Revolution, have adopted the plan of 
union proposed by the joint committee, and accepted the constitu- 
tion which they have presented ; but it will need, according to the 
last article of that constitution, that it should be passed upon by 
the joint congress of the two associations. We are ready now, 
and we hope that the same spirit which actuates us in presenting 
ourselves will impel you to meet us and proceed to the purposes 
which have called us together. The members of our Association 
and the members of your Association have come together at much 



62 

expense of time and money from their homes and business^ actuated 
by one single purpose — for the union between these two societies. 
Let that union be consummated to-day, and the result will be the 
formation of the a;randest, tlic noblest, and the best patriotic 
society tiiat the world ever saw (applause). It will give strength 
and force to the patriotism of those descended from our fathers. 
It will give strength and force to us as we go out in the world to 
battle for the great interests of which we are so proud. 

I present my congratulations to you for meeting together upon 
this momentous occasion, and we invite you to meet with us. 

Mr. Horack Kent Tenney (Illinois) : Before these gentle- 
men meet together, I wish to make a suggestion, it may be held 
to be somewhat technical, and may be held to be not in order, but 
still it will assist us in our deliberations here. One of the ques- 
tions which has beeu brought forward with considerable power by 
a great many persons is the question of the revision of the rolls 
of these two societies ; and the question whether one or buth of 
these societies were willing to submit to an examination of their 
rolls and the question of the eligibility of their members of the 
societies to which they now belong. 

I desire to say that I have as a member of this Committee from 
time to time conferred with some gentlemen in the other Society, 
particularly with Mr. Richardson, who is the Chairman of their 
Committee. That if he is willing and the gentlemen of our 
Society are willing I should be personally very glad if he would 
say to us here for the purpose of assisting us in these patriotic 
deliberations something with reference to the question of whether 
or not his Society is willing to have us adopt this constitution and 
to have us still after that is done provide for the revision of the 
rolls, the examination of the qualifications of members of the two 
societies, and to ccmsummate, if we may do it to-day, this union 
which we so much desire, but at the same time to set at rest by a 
subsequent examination every cavil that can be made against the 
membership of these societies. 

Mr. Richardson (Sons of the American Revolution) : I thank 
the gentleman, Mr, President, for his suggestion, which was in my 
mind. I was instructed by the Committee to present our vnews 



63 

upon this subject with a view of having the matter of union 
accomplished, and everything else may be settled afterwards. 
I say to you on behalf of the Sons of the American Revolution, 
Mr. President, and to the members of the Sons of the Revolution, 
that we are not only willing but anxious to subject our membership 
to such proper revision as may be contemplated and carried out 
by you. Joint Committees were appointed for the purpose of 
revising those rolls, but when that Committee was appointed it was 
too late to do so. I had a personal friend who was appointed on 
it, and he announced to me that it would be impossible to do it. 
You have the rolls. You may have all our certificates of member- 
ship. You may have them. We will give you everything we 
have on the subject fairly and fully. What we want, Mr. Presi- 
dent and gentlemen, is the union of these two Societies, based upon 
a common spirit, love of country, actuated by the same spirit which 
sent our fathers to battle, that principle actuates us, and we know 
that it actuates you. (Applause). That is all that we have to say. 

(The Committee from the Society of Sons of the American 
Revolution retires.) 

Me, Charles Henry Jones (Pennsylvania) : I ask Mr. 
Lewis' permission, and I ask the gentleman who last addressed 
the Society, Dr. Rhodes, what construction he puts on the ninth 
article. He informs me that that article would iiave to be amended, 
so as to provide that this union could only take place after it had 
been ratified by the State Societies. 

Dr. Rhodes (Minnesota) : That is only my personal interpre- 
tation. I will say to Mr. Lewis that I am going to offer, after 
you have spoken, a resolution, and I give you notice of it now. 
To expedite matters, I am going to move that your resolution be 
laid upon the table and that we proceed to vote upon the general 
question before us. 

Mr. Lewis (New York) : There is nothing like candid discussion 
to bring us nearer together. The remarks of our friend on the left 
in advocacy of the report of the Committee have come very near to 
bringing us upon common ground. If I understand him cor- 



64 

rectlv; the action of the Sons of the American Revolution in 
adopting the report of the Committee is sulycct to approval by the 
several State Societies of that organization. 

Dr. Rhodes (Minnesota) : That was ray statement upon the 
authority of one of their members. 

Mr. Lewis (New York) : Having studied carefully our own 
constitution, I am compelled, in conscience and in honor, to call 
your attention to the fact that our constitution, precisely as our 
friend has said, having provided in itself no method of amendment, 
remands the power of amendment, and of course in still higher 
degree, and by a still stronger necessity the question of the power 
of superseding it to the same authority which created the constitu- 
tion. We agree upon that point. It has been affirmed most pos- 
itively by my friend, and I can add nothing to the words in which 
he stated it. That the power which created the constitution of the 
Sons of the Revolution is the power which can amend or even 
supersede it. The only question upon which we now disagree is 
apparently a superficial one when it is ex})lained. What was the 
power which created the Sons of the Revolution? If you look into 
the history of it you will find that that constitution was promul- 
gated, formed and proposed by the dt'legates of the several States 
in their conventions, and that it went into force upon the adoption 
and ratification by each of the several States which entered into the 
organization. That is the history of it, about which there is no 
question, with which we are all familiar. Now, if we supersede 
this constitution by another, or if we amend it in any respect, we 
have a perfect right to formulate that amendment; we have a per- 
fect right to appoint a committee, as we have appointed this com- 
mittee, one with power to frame a desirable amendment or to offer 
a substitute for our constitution, and we have a right to adopt the 
report of the committee so far as the power of this convention is 
concerned, and to recommend to the State Societies the adoption by 
them and by each of them, of that constitution, but having done 
that it is perfectly plain to every one who knows the elements of 
constitutional law that we have exhausted our powers ; and the idea 
that this convention and these delegates without any power under 
the written constitution, without any power conferred upon them, 



65 

have power now to attempt to undo the work which was done by 
the several State organizations, each in its individual capacity, by 
the abrogation of this constitution and the substitution of another 
is to my mind, in law, a monstrous proposition, one that certainly 
will not commend itself on reflection to the clear mind of ray 
friend on the left. 

Now we are coming upon common ground. The stirring words 
which we have heard from our friends whom we love, they have 
stirred our blood to the depths, and I venture to say that there is 
not one of us here who would not be rejoiced to-day if we as one 
united body could go forth before the freemen of our land as 
representing alone and together the sires of the Revolution from 
whom we are proud to derive our descent. But what we do must 
be done in honor to our trust. We are here entrusted with power 
to a limited extent. We cannot betray our trust. We cannot 
transcend the limits of our commissions. We cannot go one step 
beyond. To the utmost limit of that commission I am prepared 
to go hand in hand with all my brethren. I believe that the moral 
eflPect of that which we do here will be infinitely greater, the effect 
will be far more satisfactory if we confine ourselves within our 
specified powers and rights granted us by those who have consti- 
tuted us their delegates than if we transcend our powers. We 
must respect our constitution, not trample on it. Can we, as my 
friend has already told us, as he clearly admits in his remarks, can 
we adopt that report as it stands, and attempt to put it into force 
in the face of that last section? By so doing we should have 
trampled upon our constitution, we should have defied our con- 
stitution, and we should have constituted ourselves rebels and 
seceders from the trust which they who sent us here sent us to 
defend and preserve. 

Mr. Hurd (Minnesota) : I desire to announce officially as a 
delegate that our Society has passed several votes in favor of union. 
Our Society shall vote for union. I announce that officially. 
There may be others. 

Delegates announce that Kentucky, Illinois, and Michigan have 
similarlv voted. 



66 

Dr. Rhodes (Minnesota): I now make a motion that the reso- 
lution which we are discussing of the gentleman from New York 
be now laid upon the table, and that we may proceed to vote upon 
the majority and minority reports. 

Mr. Joshua W. Caldwell (Tennessee) : Mr. President and 
gentlemen, there is a view, in my opinion, which should be pre- 
sented, and j)resented frankly. I represent the State of Tennessee. 
A Society which has heretofore taken no part in the deliberations 
of the General Society upon this question, and which has not here- 
tofore been definitely committed to either side. I should say in 
the first place, in order to be perfectly frank, that we are generally 
in favor of the ])roposition contained in the resolution presented 
by the gentleman from New York. But there are certain other 
things which impress us upon coming here, and we occupy, Mr. 
President, to a certain extent, an unusual position. This matter is 
all new to us, and there are aspects to it which are painful to us, 
which are perhaps not so apparent to the rest of you. 

I will say in the first place that we are not fully persuaded either 
of the absolute necessity, or of the unquestionable expediency of 
union (Applause). We are not sure that two competing societies, 
each exercising a generous and patriotic emulation, may not do 
more good than one large society. It is unpleasant to say these 
things in view of the very pleasant speech made by ray friend 
from Massachusetts, but I say we are not thoroughly convinced 
that it is expedient. 

Again we are told that unity and harmony must be had. But, 
gentlemen, so far as harmony is concerned, the very elaborate 
courtesies which have passed between the two societies ought to 
convince most of us that we can be separate and yet harmonious. 
I repeat that while unity of purpose may be necessary, I cannot 
conceive that unity of organization is absolutely necessary. 

Now, coming further, as a matter of sentiment, the Tennessee 
Society is perfectly willing to have the union if we can have it 
upon a proper basis and under proper conditions for our Society. 
But we do not think that union is so important that our own 
Society should he disrupted in order to have union ; that is our 
position, but in that we defer to those of you who are older 



67 

societies. We come here and find that this Society is separated 
into two distinct parties, two different factions. We view with 
consternation the fact of jealousies which seem to be irreconcilable, 
and we see methods almost political. I don't say this as criticis- 
ing anybody. I would not venture to criticise any one. My 
attitude is one of apprehension, not of reprehension. I repeat, we 
view it with consternation and regret, and it seems to me, speak- 
ing from the point of view of a comparative outsider, for that is 
really our attitude up to the present time, that we are really 
confronted by this question : Not shall we have unity by uniting 
the two Societies, but shall we continue to have two Societies, 
one the Sons of the American Revolution and the other the Sons 
of the Revolution, or shall we have two societies, one made up of 
the Sons of the American Revolution and a part of the Sons 
of the Revolution, and another of the remnant of the Sons of the 
Revolution. Now, as an outsider, I say that is the way the matter 
presents itself to me, not that I advocate any such thing. We are 
all perfectly willing to have the majority adopt any proper basis, 
but it seems to me we are confronted with the question whether 
or not we will divide our Society into two parts. We do not 
believe we ought to go that far. We do not believe that union 
ought to be had at such a cost. 

I say for myself, if I had discovered that there was a very serious 
dissension here I would cast ray vote against union. When I came 
I discovered two irreconcilable factions, and I'see the evidences of 
that spirit in this room and outside of this room, and I am bound 
to believe that my duty to this Society, to which I owe my alle- 
giance, is to cast my vote against this effort for union. 

This is the position, Mr. President, that the Tennessee Society 
occupies upon this question. 

I desire to say this one thing further, and I trust I have not 
said anything that is at all calculated to stir up strife, I have 
endeavored to say what I had to say without giving offence. But 
if I had the determination of this question, which, however, I have 
not, I, but for my respect, and but for the respect for the over- 
whelming sentiment, I would say that it is not expedient for us to 
consider this question any longer. Our deliberations appear to 
have been taken up with it for four years, so that we have become 



68 

Sous of the Revolution for aud Sons of the Revolutiou uot for 
amalgamation, and I believe we have added nothing to it to-day. 
I believe we will promote the interests of this Society by saying to 
our friends that we return their most cordial greetings, but that we 
do not deem it expedient to consider this question further. 

Mr. Stevens (New Jersey) : I do not rise to make a speech, 
but to ask the gentleman upon my left to withdraw his motion 
and allow me to move the question so the debate will be ended, 
and then take a fair and square vote upon the resolution of Mr. 
Lewis, and if that resolution be defeated, I am sure there will be 
no factious debate on the adoption of the majority report. 

Motion by Dr. Rhodes to lay resolution of Mr. Lewis on the 
table withdrawn. 

Various delegates seconded the resolution adopting the report 
of the majority of the Conference Committee. 

The Chair : The question is on the resolution offered by Mr. 
Lewis of New York. 

At the request of various members Mr. Lewis read his resolu- 
tion, as follows : 

" Whereas, the report submitted by the Special Committee to 
devise a plan of union of this Society with the Sons of the American 
Revolution proposes to supersede the Constitution of this So- 
ciety; and 

" Whereas, this convention has no authority to take final action 
on such a proposition ; therefore, 

^'Resolved, That the report of the said Committee, together with 
the report of the minority of said Committee on the same subject, 
are hereby referred for action to the Societies of the Sons of the 
Revolution in the several States of the Union." 

The Secretary now proceeded to call the roll. 

Mr. (Illinois): Mr. Chairman, before announc- 
ing the vote of Illinois, I would like to ask if we vote for the 
motion, for the constitution presented to us by the Committee if 
they will pledge themselves that they will offer an amendment 
requiring the continued service of the Committee on Revision, aud 



69 

if they will see to it that all the members of collateral descent are 
eliminated from the organization, that being true, that will enable 
us to vote no to this resolution. 

Judge Harden (Georgia): I rise to a question of order. 

The proposition of this gentleman is, that under his instructions 
from his constituents, he could not vote upon this constitution, 
that is the constitution as it now stands, but he has said that assur- 
ances have been made to him — 

Mr. Wood (Ohio) : I rise to a question of order. 

The Chair : The debate is out of order. The Chair would 
state, the gentlemen rises to explain his vote. He has a right to 
explain his vote in any manner he thinks fit, and he has voted in 
accordance with his explanation, and he has voted no and the 
Chair considers that a correct vote. 

Judge Harden (Georgia) : He votes on an impossibility. 

The Chair : That is for the gentleman to decide. 

The call of the roll resulted as follows : 

Carroll, G.P Yes. Vroom, G. V. P Yes. 

Screven, 2 G. V. P — Montgomery, G. S Yes. 

Harris, A.G.S Yes. Cad walader, G. T Yes. 

Cadle, A. G. T No. Whipple, G. C — 

Abbot, G.R Yes. Hunt, G. H No. 

Alabama — California Yes. 

Colorado No. Connecticut — 

District of Columbia No. Florida — 

Georgia Yes. Illinois No. 

Indiana No. Iowa No. 

Kentucky No. Maryland Yes. 

Massachusetts Yes. Michigan No. 

Minnesota No. Missouri No. 

Montana No. New Hampshire No. 

New Jersey Yes. New York Yes. 



North Carolina — North Dakota. 

6 



70 

Ohio No. Pennsylvania Yes. 

Rhode Island — South Carolina — 

Tennessee Yes. Texas No. 

Virginia Yes. West Virginia No. 

Washi ngtou — 

Mr. Harris: The count of the vote, sir, results in ayes 15, 
noes 16. 

The Chair : The resolutions are not adopted. 

Mr. Beale (District of Columbia) : I move you, sir, the amend- 
ment of the Constitution as proposed by the report of the Joint 
Committee which has been agreed upon by the Joint Committees 
by inserting at the end of Section 2 of Article 3 the following 
words : " Subject, however, to the approval of the Joint Committee 
of Revision of Membership Rolls." So that Section 2 will then 
read : " That every member of the Society of the Sons of the 
Revolution and of the Society of the Sons of the American Revo- 
lution in good standing at the time of the adoption of this consti- 
tution who has been admitted to either of these Societies under 
their respective constitutions and the by-laws of their respective 
national societies shall be enrolled as a member of this Society, 
' subject, however, to the approval of the Joint Committee on 
Revision of Membership Rolls.' " 

Dr. Rhodes (Minnesota) : I second the amendment. 

Mr. Jones (Pennsylvania) : Before proceeding to the considera- 
tion of this constitution I desire to say that the Pennsylvania 
Delegation feel that the Pennsylvania Society is not bound by the 
action of this convention. 

Mr. Lewis (New York) : Mr. President, I beg to say in behalf 
of the New York Delegation that we regard ourselves as bound by 
every act of this convention within the limits of its constitutional 
powers, and we feel it onr duty in case this convention should 
proceed with the revision and amendment of this report and any 
action upon it to remain and take such part as we may see fit, but 
with this distinct understanding : that any action that may be 



71 

taken by tliis body looking to a change of the constitution of the 
Sons of the Revolution of New York is regarded as a recom- 
mendation to the State Societies only. 

De. Rhodes (Minnesota) : I rise to a point of order. There 
is a motion before the house. These statements made by these 
different gentlemen are out of order. There is a motion made to 
amend Section 2 of Article 3, which was introduced by Mr. Beale 
and seconded by me, and is now before the house. 

The Chair : The gentleman is quite right, but the Chair as a 
matter of courtesy thought it better to allow these gentlemen to 
make their statements before the house had voted on the matter. 

Mr. Stevens (New Jersey) : Mr. President, it seems to me it is 
a question of high privilege. 

The Chair : That is the way that the Chair looks at it. 

Mr. Stevens (New Jersey) : I wish to say on behalf of the 
New Jersey Delegation that they will return home and report your 
action, whatever it may be, and will be governed entirely by what- 
ever their Society will tell them to do. 

Mr. Wilson (Maryland) : I wish to say on behalf of Mary- 
land, that we concur thoroughly with what the gentleman from 
New Jersey has just said. That we shall report your action to 
our Society and take their instructions, and take instructions from 
no one else. 

Mr. Wood (Ohio) : I rise to a question of privilege. Do I under- 
stand these gentlemen to say that they do not propose to be bound 
by the action of this Convention, and to still attempt to control 
that action by their votes? Do they propose to vote upon the 
questions which may come up, upon which they distinctly announce 
they will not be bound? 

Judge Harden (Georgia) : I will answer on behalf of Georgia, 
if I am permitted to do so. Georgia has an idea which has been 
defended upon the floor to-day that there are certain things which 
the General Society cannot do. When these things are proposed 
to be done, Georgia gives her reasons and votes against them, and 



72 

if they are done, and in tlie opinion of Georgia they are ultra viros 
of the Society, and beyond its powers Georgia will not be bound 
thereby. That is to say, she will endeavor to stop a manifestly, 
clearly illegal and unconstitutional act, but if she cannot stop it we 
will not be bound by it. 

Mr. Abbot (Massachusetts) : On behalf of Massachusetts, I 
think it better to say that she takes the same view of the matter. 
If this action is beyond the power of the Society, we can only refer 
back to the State Society for its approval. I do not assume to say 
whether it is or not. 

Dr. Robins (Virginia) : Virginia takes the same ground. 

The Chair: The question is upon the amendment proposed 
by the gentleman from Washington, Mr. Beale. The amendment 
is offered and seconded, that Section 2 of Article III of the pro- 
posed constitution, as reported by the Committee, be amended — 

Mr. Beale (District of Columbia) : By inserting at the end of 
Section 2 the following words : " Subject, however, to the approval 
of the Joint Committee on Revision of Membership Roll." 

The Chair : The question is upon the amendment submitted 
by the gentleman from the District of Columbia. If there is no 
objection heard the vote will be taken viva voce. 

Submitted to vote and carried. 

Dr. Rhodes (Minnesota) : I move the previous question on the 
adoption of the majority report of the Conference Committee on 
Amalgamation of the two Societies. 

Mr. Griffith (New Jersey) : The motion of the gentleman 
from New York, Mr. Lewis, which was voted u])on — I desire to 
offer a motion identical in language with the motion which was 
offered by the gentleman from New York with the change of a 
single word. If in order, I desire to offer now a motion identical 
in language with that offered by Mr. Lewis a few moments ago, or 
if not identical in language, I will simply change two words which 
will not alter its intent. 

The Chair : The motion is in order if the gentlemen will 
reduce it to writing. 



73 

Mr. Griffith (New Jersey) : " Whereas the ' amended ' re- 
port." The one word " amended " is added to Mr. Lewis's motion. 
That is the only addition. It is not his motion. "Whereas the 
amended report submitted by the special committee to devise a 
plan of union of this Society with the Sons of the American Revo- 
lution purposes to supersede the constitution of this Society : and 

Whereas, this convention has no authority to take final action 
upon such a proposition : therefore, 

Resolved, that the report of the said Committee, together with 
the report of the minority of said Committee, on the same subject 
are hereby referred for action to the Societies of the Sons of the 
Revolution in the several states of the Union. 

Mr. Stevens (New Jersey) : I rise to a point of order, that the 
gentlemen is out of order, a question being before the house. 

The Chair : The question is on the previous question. 

Mr. Wood (Ohio) : I rather think, if the Chair will pardon me 
for saying so, that in the confusion of the different questions — will 
the Chair settle the question before us ? 

The Chair : The previous question is called for upon the adop- 
tion of the report, and that would practically cut off all debate if 
adopted. 

Judge Harden (Georgia) : In the meantime, what would 
become of the Ninth Article? 

The Chair : That would cut off the motion for the previous 
question which was decided upon. The question is now whether 
the previous question should be put. Those in favor of the 
roll call — 

Dr. Rhodes (Minnesota) : The question that I moved, the 
previous question, was simply the question whether we shall pro- 
oeed to vote upon the original report of the Committee. If you 
vote aye, you vote to take it up, you do not necessarily vote in 
favor of the adoption of the report of the Committee. It does not 
€ommit you to an aye vote upon the adoption of the report. 



74 

Mr. Lewis (New York) : If it is agreed by all parties that 
Article Nine will be omitted, its omission will cut o^ consider- 
able debate. The moving of the previous question would cut off 
all opportunity for debating the recommendations of the Com- 
mittee in any way, I therefore beg to object. 

Dr. Rhodes (Minnesota) : I only want to say what I indi- 
vidually stated, I qualified it and stated I should vote *' no " 
personally. I think the Ninth Article should not be binding 
upon the council. I cannot speak for the rest of the body. 

Mr. Jones (Pennsylvania): Can you speak for Minnesota? 

Mr. Rhodes (Minnesota) : I speak only for myself. I should 
like to say that I shall make a motion that Article 9 of the 
Constitution be excepted and the rest of the constitution acted on. 

The Chair : The Chair would state that the gentlemen cannot 
make that motion if the previous question is adopted. 

Mr. Lewis (New York) : May I ask the unanimous consent of 
this body, if I could have the unanimous consent of this body I 
would take the liberty of making that motion that Article 9 of 
the report be stricken out. Then we can proceed to act upon the 
report of the majority of the Committee, and I shall have no 
objection to the previous question. 

Dr. Rhodes (Minnesota) : I think we should be perfectly 
frank with each other. We gain nothing if we are not so. I will 
say candidly that I have been somewhat disturbed by the speeches 
made since the vote was taken upon the motion by the gentleman 
from New York. I came here prepared to stand by any decision 
this council reached. I would have been satisfied, and out of my 
lips would never have come the statement that Minnesota would 
come here and refuse to be bound by the action of the Society, but 
I am convinced in the little time that I have had given me to 
consider this matter over since those sjjeeches were made that 
perhaps there is some truth in their position, and that instead of 
insisting on haste we perhai)s had better move slowly, and I think 
that it would be well for us to have a unanimous statement this 



75 

afternoon from this body that we will all adopt this majority- 
report without that Ninth Article, and each one of us report to our 
State Societies what has been done by the Sons of the Revolution, 
and to come back with a united front and then amalgamate. I am 
not clear but that is the best thing for us to do. I will second the 
motion that the gentleman has made, and ask the unanimous con- 
sent of this body that the Article Ninth, which puts this matter 
into eflfect at once, be suspended and removed from this discussion 
before the previous question is put, and that we all will be free and 
untrammeled, with the hope that they will submit this matter to 
their State Societies. Because I simply want to say, gentlemen, I 
doubt if these gentlemen are able to represeut their Societies. I 
do not believe that the gentlemen from the State of Maryland, or 
the gentlemen from the State of Tennessee are able to say positively 
that under the instructions they have from their State Societies 
they have voted without a split, and without a dissent. I want to 
say for the State of Minnesota, to the Chair, that I would not do 
anything that she has not entrusted me to do. I think perhaps 
the feeling of defeat may have accentuated some of their statements 
in this matter, but in a spirit of harmony I am willing, against 
the protests of my friends, to ask unanimous consent that the 
binding Article Ninth be omitted from this discussion for the 
present time, and that the vote be taken upon the remaining articles 
of the Constitution. 

Mk. Wilson (Maryland) : I rise to a question of privilege. I 
do not say that the State Society would do as I said, but I consider 
it my duty to refer the matter to it. They have instructed me, 
and I will not act without, or beyond, their instructions. I do 
not think it would be proper. 

The Chair : The motion is made that unanimous consent be 
given to strike out Article Nine. 

Mr. Lyon (Illinois) : I object on behalf of the State of Illinois. 

Dr. Rhodes (Minnesota) : I make the motion that Article 
Ninth be excepted from this discussion, and I withdraw my 
motion for the previous question. 



76 



Mr. Jones (Pennsylvania): Wouldn't it be well to move to 
amend that by inserting in lieu thereof "to strike out the last 
four words " ? 

Mr. Pugh (Ohio): Isn't this out of order? The gentleman 
from Illinois, Mr. Lyon, having objected, unanimous consent can- 
not be had. 

Mr. Wood (Ohio) : He cannot withdraw it without the consent 
of the body. 

The Chair : He can withdraw any motion. 

Mr. Wood (Ohio) : I think a motion (>nce made and seconded is 
in tiie possession of the body, and cannot be withdrawn without the 
vote of that body. 

The Chair : Then the question is on the previous question. 
Shall the previous question be called ? The previous question is 
that this matter shall come up for the decision of the house, and 
there can be no debate or amendment. 

The roll call on Dr. Ehodes' motion for the previous question 
resulted as follows : 



Carroll, G. P No. 

Screven, 2 G. V. P — 

Montgomery, G. S No. 

Cadwalader, G. T No. 

Whipple, G.C — 

Alabama — 

Colorado Yes. 

District of Columbia... Yes. 

Georgia No. 

Indiana No. 

Kentucky Yes. 

Massachusetts No. 

Minnesota Yes. 

Montana Yes. 

New Jersey No. 

North Carolina — 



Vroom, G.V. P No. 

Harris, A. G. S No. 

Cadle, A. G. T Yes. 

Abbot, G. R No. 

Hunt, G. H Yes. 

California No. 

Connecticut — 

Florida — 

Illinois Yes. 

Iowa Yes. 

Maryland No. 

Michigan Yes. 

Missouri Yes. 

New Hampshire Yes. 

New York No. 

North Dakota — 



77 

Ohio Yes. Pennsylvania No. 

Rhode Island — South Carolina — 

Tennessee No. Texas Yes. 

Virginia No. West Virginia Yes. 

Washington.. , — 



Mr. Harris : Mr. Chairman, there were fifteen affirmative 
votes and sixteen negative votes. 

The Chair : The motion for the previous question therefore is 
lost. The question now is upon the amendment. 

Mr. Lewis (New York): Cordially thanking the Society for 
the refusal to apply gag law in this matter, I beg to move that 
Article IX of the proposed constitution be cancelled. 

Dr. Rhodes (Minnesota) : Wouldn't it meet the gentleman's 
wishes if the IXth Article be amended so it shall read " This con- 
stitution shall take effect when ratified by a majority of the States 
of each national society. So if we cannot get a majority of the 
State societies for this purpose, we do not want to adopt it, or limit 
it to a majority of the State societies of the Sons of the Revolu- 
tion, so far as the action of the Sons of the Revolution is concerned 
in the matter. " This constitution shall take effect when ratified 
by a majority of the State societies of the Sons of the Revolution." 
I make that motion, Mr. President. 

Mr. Lewis (New York) : I beg to point out that that motion is 
objectionable solely because we have no right to pass it. It is not 
for us here to define a new method by which the constitutions of our 
societies shall be amended or done away with. We are not here 
for that purpose. What we are proposing now, the majority of 
this convention are proposing to the State organizations, is to enter 
into a new organization. The proper form, therefore, is one which 
will leave it with each State organization to act for itself, and then 
if we adopt it, to recommend this constitution to the States. Then 
it will take effect when the States shall adopt it in each State at 
the time that they adopt it, but it will not take effect in any State 
that does not adopt it, because it happens that a majority of the 
States have already adopted it. It is simply a legal point I raise, 



78 

and that is an unquestioned point in constitutional law. There- 
fore it is ]u-efcrable that the article be stricken out or that it shall 
simply declare that it shall take effect in each State when adopted 
by that State. 

Dr. Rhodes (Minnesota): I have gone very far in the spirit 
of concession. 1 had hoped that this action Avoukl open our way 
to united and general consent. It is customary when there is no 
provision made for the amendment of a constitution to amend it 
by general action, certify it to the different chapters, and it shall 
specify that the constitutional change shall take effect when a 
majority of the constituent bodies represented therein have assented 
to its action, and that is the resolution I offer now. It is certainly 
clear if we can not get a majority of the Societies it is not adopted. 
If we do get a majority of the States \t should be adopted. 

I make this motion with the hope that there will be no dis- 
cussion upon it. 

Judge Harden (Georgia) : Allow me to say one word. My 
learned friend seems to be so enthusiastic in his desire to reach a 
particular end that he actually, as it seems to me, does not con- 
sider the means, even though they may involve a question of right 
or wrong. He speaks of technical points. Among the technical 
points he mentions was whether we iiad the constitutional power, 
or whether we had the power in law under this present constitu- 
tion, which is similar in its inception to that by which the United 
States is now governed, and which all patriotic men must admire 
not only in its present condition, but in its incipiency. The 
thirteen States called their convention and they sent delegates to 
that convention for the purpose of establishing a constitution for 
the government of the thirteen States represented by their dele- 
gates. They met, and they promulgated a constitution, and said 
this constitution shall take effect when ratified by nine of the 
thirteen, but only so far as concerns those who ratify it. They 
recognized a principle that is as eternal as God himself, that no 
State has got the right to regulate another. The thirteen States 
could, by a majority vote, adopt a constitution which would affect 
that majority, but they could not touch the others until they 
ratified it themselves. 



79 

Now then, have we, because, we desire to have a union, which 
might be a blessing or which might be a curse, and I think honestly 
now the latter, shall we arrogate to ourselves constitutional powers 
greater than the constitutional convention of 1786, and undertake 
to say that if Georgia and a lot of other States choose to adopt this 
constitution that South Carolina and North Carolina must follow 
suit. That is the reason I object to it. I do not think it is a 
technicality. I do not think it is a frivolity. I do not think these 
propositions can be controverted. 

The Chair : The question is upon the motion to strike out 
the whole of Article Ninth. 

The roll call resulted as follows : 



Lewis' Motion to Strike Out Article IX. 



Carroll, G.P Yes. 

Screven, 2 G. V. P — 

Harris, A. G. S ....Yes. 

Cadle, A. G. T No. 

Abbot, G. R Yes. 

Alabama — 

Colorado No. 

District of Columbia No. 

Georgia Yes. 

Indiana No. 

Kent ucky No. 

Massach usetts Yes. 

Minnesota No. 

Montana No. 

New Jersey Yes. 

North Carolina — 

Ohio No. 

Rhode Island — 

Tennessee Yes. 

Virginia Yes. 

Washington — 



Vroom, G. V. P Yes. 

Montgomery, G. S Yes. 

Cadwalader, G. T Yes. 

Whipple, G. C — 

Hunt, G. H No. 

California Yes. 

Connecticut — 

Florida....! — 

lUinois No. 

Iowa No. 

Maryland Yes. 

Michigan No. 

Missouri No. 

New Hampshire No. 

New York Yes. 

North Dakota — 

Pen nsylvania Yes. 

South Carolina — 

Texas No. 

West Virginia No. 



80 

The Chair : Gentlemen, the report of the Secretary upon this 
vote is fifteen in the affirmative and sixteen in the negative. The 
motion therefore, is lost. 

Dr. Rhodes (Minnesota) : I now move to amend Article IX 
by striking out the last four words, so that it shall read : " This 
constitution shall take effect when ratified by a majority of the 
States of each national society." Striking out " voting in joint 
meeting." 

I understand, Mr. President, that resolution is distinctly in line 
with what the Sons of the American Revolution have done, that 
they are expecting to send this back to their State societies. 

Mr. Wood (Ohio): They have adopted it positively. 

Dr. Rhodes (Minnesota): "When ratified by a majority of the 
State Societies of each National Society." Strike out the last four 
words of Article IX. 

" Article IX : This constitution shall take effect when ratified 
by a majority of the States of each National Society." 

Mr. Abbot (Massachusetts): Mr. Chairman, may I make an 
amendment to the amendment? I move to amend that motion by 
adding the words : " Only for the State so ratifying." 

The Chair : He is proposing an amendment to the Article 
himself. The question is upon the motion submitted by the gen- 
tleman from Minnesota, that the four last words of this IXth 
Article be left out. The article will then read : " This constitu- 
tion shall take effect when ratified by a majority of the State Societies 
of each National Society." 

Dr. Rhodes (Minnesota) : After the word " State " put in the 
word " Society." 

Mr. Jones (Pennsylvania) : I feel that we are not authorized to 
commit the Pennsylvania Society upon that motion, and therefore 
we will have to decline to vote. 

Dr. Rhodes (Minnesota) : The resolution was offered upon the 
suggestion of the gentleman from Pennsylvania, and I thought 
would probably meet their objections. 



81 



The call of the roll resulted as follows 



Ehodes' Amendment Striking Out Last Four Words 
OF Article Nine, Etc. 



Carroll, G. P No. 

Screven, 2 G. V. P — 

Harris, A. G. S D. 

Cadle, A. G. T Yes. 

Abbot, G. R No. 

Alabama — 

Colorado Yes. 

District of Columbia... Yes. 

Georgia No. 

Indiana Yes. 

Kentucky Yes. 

Massach usetts Yes. 

Minnesota Yes. 

Montana Yes. 

New Jersey D. 

North Carolina — 

Ohio Yes. 

Rhode Island — 

Tennessee D. 

Virginia D. 

Washington — 

\_Note. — " D." signifies Declined to 



Yroom, G. V. P D. 

Montgomery, G. S No. 

Cadwalader, G. T D. 

Whipple, G. C — 

Hunt, G. H Yes. 

California No. 

Connecticut — 

Florida — 

Illinois Yes. 

Iowa Yes. 

Maryland T>. 

Michigan Yes. 

Missouri Yes. 

New Hampshire Yes. 

New York Yes. 

North Dakota — 

Pennsylvania D. 

South Carolina — 

Texas Yes. 

West Virginia Yes. 



vote.] 



During the call of the roll the following officers and delegates, 
as their names or States were called, said : 

Mr. Vroom (General Vice-President) : Mr. President, I must 
decline to vote, on the ground that I maintain that it would be 
unconstitutional. That a majority of the States have no more right 
to amend the constitution than this body sitting here to-day have 
a right to amend this constitution. As a member of the General 
Society I cannot vote for ^7hat I consider illegal. 



82 

Mr. Stevens (New Jersey) : The delegates from New Jersey 
decline to vote on the ground that they have no authority to bind 
their Society by such action. 

Mr. Lewis (New York) : New York votes aye in the belief 
that the amendment is an improvement by doing away with the 
most offensive violation of the constitution. It is here to reserve 
for the decision of the State itself the question of the binding 
effect upon the State Society. 

Mr. Jones (Pennsylvania): Pennsylvania declines to vote, on 
the ground that it has no authority to bind its State Society. 

The Chair : On this question tlie decision of the Assembly is 
ayes 18, noes 5, decline to vote 8, therefore the motion of the 
gentleman from Minnesota is adopted. 

Mr. Wood (Ohio) : Mr. Chairman, I now move the adoption 
of the plan and constitution as reported by the Committee. 

Motion seconded. 

Mr. Wood (Ohio) : And I then desire to move afterwards that 
a Committee be appointed to notify the Sous of the American 
Revolution of the action of this body. 

My motion is first the adoption of the constitution as amended 
by this body. 

The call of the roll on the adoption of the plan of union and 
constitution proposed in the report of the majority of the Con- 
ference Committee as amended showed the following result : 

Wood's Motion for Adoption op Constitution 

AS Amended. 

Carroll, G. P No. Vroom, G. V. P No. 

Screven, 2 G. V. P — Montgomery, G. S No. 

Harris, A. G. S No. Cadwalader, G. T No. 

Cadle, A. G. T Yes. Whipple, G. C — 

Abbot, G. R No. Hunt, G. H Yes. 



83 



Alabama — 

Colorado Yes. 

District of Columbia... Yes. 

Georgia No. 

Indiana Yes. 

Kentucky Yes. 

Massachusetts Tie. 

Minnesota Yes. 

Montana Yes. 

New Jersey No. 

North Carolina — 

Ohio Yes. 

Rliode Island — 

Tennessee D. 

Virginia D. 

Washington — 

[^Nole. — " D." signifies Declined to vote.] 



California No. 

Connecticut — 

Florida — 

Illinois Yes. 

Iowa Yes. 

Maryland Tie. 

Michigan Yes. 

Missouri Yes. 

New Hampshire Yes. 

New York No. 

North Dakota — 

Pennsylvania D. 

South Carolina — 

Texas Yes. 

West Virginia Yes. 



Mr. Wilson : The Maryland delegation being divided, part of 
it declining to vote, and the other part desiring to vote " no," 
announce a tie. 

Mr. Abbot : Massachusetts announces a tie, part of the dele- 
gation desiring to vote " aye " and part " no." 

The Chair : The vote as recorded here for this proposition is 
sixteen ayes, ten noes, three declinations to vote, and two ties. 
The motion, therefore, is adopted. 

Mr. Cooke (Colorado) : I move you, sir, that a committee of 
five be appointed by the Chair to notify the Sons of the American 
Revolution of our action here to-day. 

Motion seconded. 

The Chair : The Chair appoints the following Committee : 

Dr. Rhodes (Minnesota) : Before the motion is put I would 
like lo amend it by providing that the President-General be the 
Chairman of that Committee. 

This motion was put by Dr. Rhodes and carried. 



I 



84 

The Chair: The Chair would appoint as a Comtuittee- 



Mr. Moulton" (Illinois) : The only motion I understand is 
that tlie President-General be the Chairman of that Committee, 
which was put by Dr. Rhodes and carried. 

The Chair : Now it is moved that a Committee of five be 
appointed by the Chair. 

Mr. Moulton (Illinois) : Allow me to offer a substitute for the 
motion in the form of an amendment. J am perfectly willing and 
very desirous that the President shall represent this Society if the 
motion is adopted, but I do believe that there are other matters 
that should be taken up at the time of notifying the other National 
Society of the action, and therefore I have drafted a resolution con- 
taining that idea and some other ideas. I am perfectly willing to 
include the President-General of the order. 

I offer this as a substitute for the motion of the gentlemen from 
Colorado and Minnesota : 

'^Resolved: That a Committee of five, of which the President- 
General shall be the Chairman, shall be appointed to communicate 
the action of this General Society to the National Society Sons of 
the American Revolution which has been taken upon the question 
of the union of the two Societies and upon the adoption of the new 
constitution ; and that said Committee be empowered to request 
similar action on the part of the National Society Sons of the 
American Revolution ; and further to agree and report upon a 
time and place for a joint meeting of the two Societies for the pur- 
pose of fully perfecting the proposed union of the two Societies, in 
the event that a majority of the State Societies approve of the 
action of their respective General Societies." 

Mr. Pugh (Ohio) : I would suggest that our President-General 
be allowed to appoint the Committee without any restriction. His 
position during the debate has been such that I think it would be 
just as well to leave that resolution as it was. It is an act of 
courtesy which is due him for his courtesy to us. 

The Chair : That entirely corresponds with the feelings of the 
Chair. 



85 

Mr. Wood (Ohio) : May I say one word in amendment ? 

Mr. MouLTON (Illinois) : I have not occupied the floor to-day 
until this time, and I wish to say now that I believe myself to be 
perfectly in order in oiFering this resolution as a substitute for the 
original motion, in the nature of an amendment, whether the 
original mover seconds it or not. I offer this resolution to the 
General Society, and ask for a vote on it. 

The Chair : The Chair must state to this meeting that the 
Chair would not be a party to making any offer of a future joint 
meeting, that he does not consider it within his power to act in 
that way ; therefore I would decline any part in that part of the 
programme. 

Mr. Moulton (Illinois) : Allow me one moment, so as to get 
the matter perfectly clear before the Society. I understand the 
desire of the President-General not to be personally upon that 
Committee. I therefore move the resolution as I originally made 
it, that a Committee of five be appointed by the Chair. 

Mr. Cooke (Colorado) : I made a motion to appoint a com- 
mittee of five, and the gentleman from Minnesota suggested that 
you be on it, and I accepted that amendment, and it was put to 
vote and carried — that a committee of five be appointed, of which 
the President-General was to be Chairman. 

The Chair : That question is before the house now. 

Mr. Moulton (Illinois) : I move this as a substitute for that 
motion : 

" Resolved : That a committee of five shall be appointed to com- 
municate the action of this General Society to the National Society 
Sons of the American Revolution which has been taken upon the 
question of the nnion of the two societies and upon the adoption of 
the new constitution; and that said committee be empowered to 
request similar action on the part of the ISTational Society Sons of 
the American Revolution ; and further to agree and report upon a 
time and place for a joint meeting of the two societies for the pur- 
pose of fully perfecting the proposed union of the two societies, in 
7 



86 

the event that a majority of the State Societies approve of the action 
of their respective General Societies." 

My reason for adding this to the other resolution for the appoint- 
ment of a committee is this. I have known, and I presume it is 
well known to the majority here, that the Sons of the American 
Revolution did not take action similar to ours. This is in the 
nature of a Committee of Conference to endeavor to get them to 
make their action harmonious with ours and designate a time and 
place where the whole thing can be approved. 

The Chair : The question is on the amendment submitted by 
the gentleman from Illinois. 

Mr. Moulton's Amendment seconded, put to vote and carried. 

The Chair : The question, therefore, now recurs on the motion 
as amended, that the Chair appoint a coraujittee of five to com- 
municate to the gentlemen of the Sons of the American Revolution 
our action here today, and to request them to concur in our action 
or to take similar proceedings. 

Put to vote and carried. 

The Chair : I will appoint on the Committee, 
Mr. Achilles Henry Pugh, Ohio, 
Mr. Rukard Hurd, Minnesota, 
Mr. Gaillard Hunt, District of Columbia, 
Mr. Persifor Marsden Cooke, Colorado, and 
Mr. Ephraim Morgan Wood, Ohio. 

Mr. Wood (Ohio) : I take it that we have about concluded our 
deliberations and the business for which we have been assembled. 
I have taken a somewhat prominent and active part in the dis- 
cussion to-day, and I occupied a somewhat similar position in 
Philadelphia, and I don't think — Gentlemen may I have your 
attention, because I desire to make a motion which I know you all 
will vote for — I do not think, except for the word said by the pre- 
siding officer when requested to act as Chairman that any one would 
have known except by his vote which side he favored in the dis- 
cussion. I have never seen, sir — and I say it without flattery, but 



87 

as a simple statement of fact — a more impartial presiding officer 
in a heated debate than our honored President-General to-day. 

I desire to say for those with whom he honestly differs and has 
differed to-day, that they could not have asked from their own 
side a more courteous Chairman. It is therefore with great pleasure 
that I offer the resolution, " That the thanks of this Convention be 
tendered to President-General Carroll for the very impartial and 
courteous manner in which he has presided over the deliberations 
of this assembly." 

Put to the vote by Mr. Wood and carried unanimously. 

The Chair : Gentlemen, I take the opportunity to return my 
sincere thanks to you for your cordial resolution which you have 
just adopted. 

Mr. : I move you, sir, that a vote of thanks be 

extended to the Ohio Commandery of the Loyal Legion for the 
use of their quarters here to-day. 

Seconded, put to vote, and carried. 

Mr. Beale (District of Columbia) : I offer the following reso- 
lution : 

" Resolved, that the Committee for the Revision of the Rolls, 
appointed under the resolution adopted on April 19th, 1897, be 
and it is hereby continued in office, and is authorized and directed 
to at once proceed in conjunction with the Committee appointed 
for that purpose by the Sons of the American Revolution to ex- 
amine, in accordance with the provision of the constitution, as 
amended, reported by the Joint Conference Committee, the rolls 
of the members of the National Society of the Sons of the 
American Revolution and the General Society of the Sons of the 
Revolution, for the purpose of ascertaining whether any member 
in either Society is not in fact entitled to membership therein, and 
that upon the report of the Joint Committee thus formed all mem- 
bers who are not found to have been entitled to membership in 
their respective National Societies under their constitutions and 
by-laws, be held not to be entitled to membership in the Society 
of the American Revolution, and be stricken from its rolls, unless 



88 

within a reasonable time, to be fixed by said Committee, siicli 
members shall prove their right to such membership." 

Motion seconded. 

Mr. Stevens (New Jersey): As I understand the resolution, 
it is subject to the consent of the majority That says that every 
member now in good standing iu either one of the Societies shall 
be included as a member. 

Mr. Pugh (Ohio) : Subject to the examination of the Revision 
Committee. 

Mr. Beale (District of Columbia) : I will say the amendment 
to it is represented by the words '' Subject, however, to the approval 
of the Joint Committee on Eevision of the Membership rolls." 

The Chair : The Convention will be in order. The question 
is on the motion submitted by Mr. Beale. 

Mr. Beale on request read resolution again : 

" Resolved, That the Committee for the Revision of the Rolls, 
appointed under the resolution adopted on April 19th, 1897, be 
and is hereby continued in office, and is authorized and directed to 
at once proceed in conjunction with the Committee appointed for 
that purpose by the Sons of the American Revolution to examine, 
in accordance with the provision of the constitution, as amended, 
reported by the Joint Conference Committee, the rolls of the 
members of the National Society of the Sous of the American 
Revolution and the General Society of the Sons of the Revolution, 
for the purpose of ascertaining whether any member iu either 
Society is not in fact entitled to membership therein, and that upon 
the report of the Joint Committee thus formed all members who 
are not found to have been entitled to membership in their respec- 
tive National Societies "under their constitutions and by-laws, be 
held not to be entitled to membership in the Society of the Amer- 
ican Revolution, and be stricken from its rolls, unless within a 
reasonable time, to be fixed by said Committee, such members 
shall prove their right to such membership." 

Seconded, submitted to vote, and carried. 



89 

Mr. Bea.le (District of Columbia) : I now offer the following 
resolution : 

" Resolved, that each State Society of the Sons of the Revolution 
and the Sons of the American Revolution shall submit the papers 
of their respective societies to the Registrar of the other society for 
examination ; that after such examination shall be had, each Regis- 
trar shall certify to the eligibility of each member of the other 
society under the national constitution of the society of which he is 
a member. In case any doubt shall arise as to the correctness of 
any paper, then such doubtful paper shall be submitted to the 
Joint Committee on Revision of Membership Rolls. In case there 
is any jurisdiction in which there is only one society, such paper 
shall also be submitted to said Joint Committee on Revision of 
Membership Rolls." 

The idea being this, that in every jurisdiction where there are 
two societies, the Sons of the Revolution and the Sons of the 
American Revolution shall exchange their papers. The severest 
critic that could possibly be would be the Registrar of the oppos- 
ing society. Ninety-nine per cent, of our papers, so far as the 
Sons of the Revolution is concerned, we believe to be correct. 
When any question of doubt arises as to any paper, that paper is 
to be submitted to the Joint Committee on Revision of Member- 
ship Rolls, and in any jurisdiction in which there is only one 
society "such papers shall also be submitted to said Joint 
Committee on Revision of Membership Rolls," the idea being 
simply this, to put the papers in the hands of the jurisdiction 
which is familiar with the personnel of the men whose papers 
are to be examined, and take off of the shoulders of the Com- 
mittee on Membership Rolls such detail work in order to lessen 
their labors. 

Seconded, put to vote and carried. 

Mr. Lyon (Illinois) : I move that the minutes of this special 
meeting be printed at length and an official copy be sent to the 
General Secretary of each of the State Societies. 

Seconded, put to vote and carried. 



90 

Mr. Voorhees (Colorado) : I desire to ask the consideration 
of the foHowing resolution at this time, and will not make any 
remarks thereon : 

"Whereas, The Continental Congress, on the 14th day of June, 
1777, passed the following: 

" ^Resolved: That the flag of the thirteen States be thirteen 
stripes, alternate red and white ; that the Union be thirteen stars, 
white, in a blue field, rejjresenting a new constellation,' and 

"Whereas, one of the leading purposes for which the Society was 
formed, is 'to inspire the members with the patriotic spirit of their 
forefathers,' and 

" Whereas, it is the sentiment of this Society, that every effort 
should be made to cultivate the spirit of patriotism among the 
people, 

" Now, therefore, be it resolved, That such inspiration can best 
be imparted by teaching the youth of the country to respect, honor 
and love the flag of our Union, and, that, in furtherance of such 
teaching, the General Society does hereby recommend to each State 
Society that June 14th, ' Flag Day,' be observed by a general and 
public celebration under the auspices of the Society of the Sons of 
the Revolution." 

Seconded, put to vote and carried. 

Mr. Pugh (Ohio) : Mr. President, and gentlemen of the Con- 
vention, it is my pleasure to inform you that we met with the 
Convention of the Sons of the American Revolution, in Congress 
assembled and presented the report of the Committee of Conference 
as amended at this meeting, together with such resolutions as were 
passed by the Society pertaining to the carrying out of these 
resolutions. We were received with the utmost courtesy and 
attention by those gentlemen, and thank them for the same. I 
think if we wait that in the course of a minute or two a Committee 
that they will appoint will reply to our communications. 

Mr. Wood (Ohio) : We have informal information that all the 
amendments were passed at once. 

Mr. Cooke (Colorado): Mr. President, I desire to announce a 
Committee of the Sons of the American Revolution. 



91 

Me. Gallaudet (Sods of the American Revolution) : Mr. 
President-General and Gentlemen of the Society of the Sons of 
the Revolution, a Committee of five has been appointed to wait 
upon your Society and respond to the message which we have 
just received from you announcing your approval of the proposed 
constitution of the Society of the American Revolution, with 
certain amendments suggested to that constitution, and certain 
resolutions providing for the revision of rolls, providing the cases 
in which those rolls shall be revised, and also a resolution appoint- 
ing a committee by name in connection with a similar committee 
of the Sons of the American Revolution, to provide, in a certain 
contingency, for the organization of the Society of the American 
Revolution under the constitution, which has been under con- 
sideration to-day. 

We understand, Mr. President, that the action which has been 
taken in this Society will work in this way — I speak of it that 
there may be no misunderstanding — that when the constitu- 
tion, which has now been agreed to by both Societies, your 
amendments having been adopted without change by the Society 
of the Sons of the American Revolution, that when this constitu- 
tion shall have been approved by a majority of the State Societies 
of each of the two organizations, the General and National organ- 
izations, that the adoption of that constitution and the creation of 
a new society will have been effected. That after that conclusion 
shall have been reached, when it is reached, by the votes of a 
majority of the State Societies and of each Society, that then it 
will be the duty of the Committee which you have appointed, which 
reported to us a short time ago, and our Committee which is now 
here, which we have appointed to meet your Committee, to arrange 
for the time and place of the meeting under the constitution of the 
Society of the American Revolution for the organization of that 
Society. That is to say, the organization of that Society as the united 
Society of our two Societies. I would like to ask if I have made 
any mistake so far. I ask the ofiicers of the Sons of the Revolution. 

The Chair : That is as I understand it. 

Mr. Gallaudet (Sons of the American Revolution) : Then I 
have the great pleasure of informing you, gentlemen of the Sons 



92 

of the Revolution, that our Society did adopt, without question, 
and with an overwhelming vote, the action which you sent up 
to us by your Committee, and, as I understand it, we stand, 
tentatively at least, united ; and my hope is that united we may 
continue to stand, for my belief has long been that men organized 
as we are, with our two great Societies divided, must, ultimately 
at least, deserve to fall. 

(The Committee from the Society of Sons of the American 
Revolution retires.) 

Mr. Sayres (Pennsylvania) : I move that the thanks of this 
Society be tendered to the Ohio Society of the Sons of the Revo- 
lution. 

Seconded, put to vote and carried. 

On motion duly seconded the meeting adjourned. 



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